Michael D.Heath-Caldwell M.Arch.

Commander Leopold Heath - Black Sea - Begining of Crimian War

Letter No.2

H.M.S. “Niger”Finished off Fidonisi Island (Black Sea, Roumania & Ukraine)

Tuesday April 18th, 1854

I should have supposed the use of “Banshees” and “Caradocs” was to give us an advantage over our enemies by having earlier information, and that on the “Niger’s” arrival strong steam squadrons would immediately have left the combined fleet, one of which might have made the southern point of the Crimea, and sweeping round by Kaffa Bay and the Circassian coast have picked up a few stray men-of-war, while the others making for the same point might have gone westward towards Odessa, and would certainly have caught a few stray merchant ships.

With the exception, however, of the “Fury” being detached to Sebastopol on the morning of the 9th, no move was made until the afternoon of the 11th, when “Retribution,” “Descartes,” and “Niger” were started off for Odessa, where we arrived in the forenoon of the 13th. We took possession of a merchant brig lying outside, but left Russian colours flying as a decoy.“Descartes” and “Niger” then went round the bay at a distance of something more than a mile to reconnoitre the newly-made batteries. Thousands of people were up on the cliff looking at us, and being all dressed in black or blue we at first thought they must be troops; but they were too mobbish for that.

The town seems handsomely built of stone, and is well supplied with brightly-painted domes and cupolas; the Cathedral has a tall spire. The position of the town is something like that of Brighton, but the plain on which it is built slopes rather more away from the sea. There is the same sort of cliff but a wider beach, on which are built store-houses, quarantine establishments, etc., etc., and all the new batteries are along it and on the piers, which are built out and form artificial harbours, containing some 200 sail of vessels, thirty or forty of them being English.

A brig lying about fifteen hundred yards from the beach unwisely showed Russian colours as we passed, and just as our reconnaissance was completed she began to think she had done a foolish thing and therefore slipped her chain and made sail towards the shore; the “Niger” was after her directly, and hooking her on en passent towed her out triumphantly, passing within twelve hundred yards of the batteries, which to our surprise did not fire.

The moment the “Descartes” saw what we were up to she gallantly stood in, ready to support us had we been fired at. Modesty ought to compel me not to say that the “Retribution” made the signal “Very well done.” Meanwhile a boat had gone out to the “Retribution” to know what we had come for’ Captain Drummond would give no direct answer, but asked if there was any explanation relative to the “Furious” having been fired at when her flag of truce was up’ and we suppose that the forbearance shown in not firing at us arose from the Governor’s knowledge that he was in a scrape for having on that occasion been too hasty with his guns.

Having thus got two prizes, which were both empty, I went after a vessel coming down the Dnieper, which turned out to have about thirty tons of linseed on board.

It was arranged that the next morning the “Retribution” should remain to receive any communication that might arrive, and that we should go on towards the Dnieper, whilst “Descartes” went towards the Dniester.

Having got as far as I had been told to go, I saw ahead a Russian transport in tow of a tug, and went on in hopes of bringing in the first pendant; but she was inside the river, where I could not with any safety follow without a pilot, so I contented myself with having verified the chart as far as the very mouth of the river and with capturing six more vessels, two of them being laden with coals, and then returned to the “Retribution,” which had herself taken two small craft.

I showed Russian colours when chasing the transport, and was in hopes when I lowered them half-mast she would fancy me on shore and send the tug to assist me, but as she made some signal, which of course I could not answer, she naturally smelt a rat. And indeed, as there are telegraphs all along the coast our arrival had of course been reported.

A fort called Kinbourn amused itself with firing at me, but as I was three and a-half miles from it they might as well have saved their powder.

Saturday 15th April 1854

The 15th was employed in transhipping our linseed and two cargoes of oatmeal to the best of our empty brigs, and in putting the coal into the steamers. I took a fruitless cruise to Tendra, and the Frenchman picked up a fine brig laden with salt.

Our orders obliged us to return to the rendezvous off the Island of Fidonisi. Whilst en route I descried a large schooner, which I chased on shore and sent the boats in to destroy, she was a fine, well-found vessel, laden with salt. We helped ourselves to all sorts of little useful articles and then set her on fire. I walked off with her bell and intend setting it up at Moorhurst, also a little deal whatnot, the very image of the one Julia has there, and I intend it to take its place in the same corner. 

It seems barbarous work capturing all these little vessels, but it is the only way of stopping the trade, which is what we want to do. I don’t suppose another vessel will show outside their harbours for some time, and the inhabitants of the coast from the Dnieper to the Dniester will bear no good will to their Emperor for the sufferings they will in consequence be subjected to.

Monday April 17th. 1854

The “Sidon” has arrived and carries off the “Retribution” and “Descartes” to attack the batteries at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. I am to remain in case the Admiral should arrive at the rendezvous, however as they are specially ordered not to land or in any way to expose their ships to danger, I don’t much regret being left.

The battery mounts only six guns, but there are some gunboats also. Even supposing they succeed to the utmost extent they will, in my opinion, have done nothing useful, for as soon as they are gone the Russians may begin and build doubly strong forts, and it seems to me a mere waste of coal, powder, and shot.

Tuesday April 18th 1854

The steamers left last night but returned this morning, the weather being oo bad to make the attempt, smooth water being a necessary element for successful target practice at two thousand yards distance *[in those days the guns were smooth-bore.] the “Sidon” returns to her station and we despatch one of our full prizes to Constantinople, and I suppose await the arrival of the fleet. I am quite full of coal, thanks to the prizes. The “Fury” took a man-of-war schooner off Sebastopol, but was chased by a superior force and had to let go the prize; From prisoners she learnt that fourteen Russian line of battle ships were ready for us.

Commander Leopold Heath - Black Sea 

 Letter No. 3H.M.S. “Niger”

April, 1854

Wednesday April 19th 1854 

A fine calm day. “Sidon” came in again at eight o’clock, and Captain Goldsmith made arrangements with Captain Drummond that “Descartes” and “Retribution” were to go in with him to attack the forts and gunboats at the Sulina mouth of the Danube, and that I was to remain at the rendezvous.

Now as the others are all post-captains it was clear that, supposing the expedition successful and considered wise at head quarters, I should lose my promotion by remaining, and that being the only Commander present I should not interfere with anyone else’s prospects by going. So I represented this to Goldsmith, and he at once acceded to my coming. I accordingly hurried off the prize brig which I was to send to Constantinople, and away we all went and arrived at Sulina at half-past two. 

It had been arranged that Goldsmith should anchor first, and that we were to take positions in certain directions from him afterwards. When close in, “Retribution” boarded an Austrian and heard that the forts had been deserted two days before, and that the gunboats and troops had all gone up the river at the same time.

This was signalised to the “Sidon,” which ship had, however, now got into her position; but she had gone in too close and was hard and fast aground within seventeen hundred yards of the forts. A pretty mess she would have been in if the Russians had not so opportunely left the coast clear; as it was she would have been awkwardly placed had the “Niger” not been there, for neither the “Retribution” nor “Descartes” could have got near enough to give any assistance, except with boats. However, drawing less water, we were able to anchor near enough and after three hours anxiety had the satisfaction to heave her off.

It is clear I am in the end to be promoted for helping my friends and not for hurting my enemies. Russian transports and Russian forts come near enough to make one’s mouth water, but no more; and this is the third time within six months that I have got my friends out of their difficulties. 

Thursday, 20th April 1854.

Having returned to our rendezvous, I was doing some repairs to the engine when in comes the “Sidon” again, but accompanied this time by the “Furious.” Which had been sent from the squadron. Her orders were to send “Retribution” and “Descartes” to Odessa, whither the Admirals had gone, and poor “Niger was to join “Sidon” and “Firebrand” in their blockade of the coast between Danube and Varna.

“One never knows whether one travels too fast or too slowly,” is an old saying. Had I remained at the rendezvous instead of going to the Sulina forts I should have seen the Admiral as he passed, and should doubtless have been taken on with him to Odessa, as I had attained some local knowledge of its environs.

They say there is nothing whatever to be done at my new station, whereas up there there was the Dnieper to be followed up, the Odessa batteries to be hammered down (if they did not first come to terms), and the Dniester lake to be scoured with boats – besides a little bullock hunt which might, I think, have been made with safety  and success, and perhaps a great heap of money in the shape of a ransom from the town of Odessa to save it from bombardment! On the other hand , the “Sidon” might now have been a wreck, and I should have been without what little credit I may have got for getting her off.

Friday April 21st 1854

Off the Sulina again, on my way to Kustendji; boarded a number of vessels – nothing new. They assure me three hundred thousand Russians have gone into Bulgaria but that they will not advance until May, as there is as yet no grass for the horses. They say they are fortifying the St. George mouth of the river; I cannot understand their reason for doing so, unless they are expecting some boat expedition of ours up there, or that we should attempt to land our army in that neighbourhood.

I don’t know what our troops are about, but our navy certainly seems to me to be wasting its time. My plan would be to have taken the whole fleet to Sebastopol first, then to leave a large portion of it to blockade the Russians effectively, and from that point to start off steam squadrons right and left.

I believe had we followed this plan we should by now have entirely stopped Russian commerce in the Black Sea and have destroyed almost every boat belonging to them. Our little squadron being ordered to remain only sixty hours from Odessa (for fear of a superior Russian force coming from Sebastopol), we had just begun to see our way when we had to leave the place, and not a vessel of ours has yet been sent east of Sebastopol.

However, you will think, and perhaps rightly, - “It is all very well for you to talk, who have not the responsibility of managing the fleet on your shoulders.” Still my bare narrative of facts without digressions and opinions would be stupid.

We have fifty-one prisoners from our prizes, half on board “Retribution” and half on board “Descartes”; they are quite happy, and the only complaint made against them is their dirt. They are distributed amongst the sailor’s messes in the former ship, and the other day the first lieutenant heard in the morning one of the sailors call out “I say, Jack, have you seen my Rooshan messmate, I can’t find him nowhere and I wants to give him a wash.”

 
Saturday April 22nd, 1854 - Kustendji.

The “Firebrand” is here with nothing new; shooting at Cossacks is their daily amusement, but no personal damage has yet been done on either side.

Wednesday April 26th 1854 - Varna

At Varna, but no time to describe it. The “Terrible” has arrived with news of the destruction of the Imperial Mole at Odessa, with next to no loss to us and little or no damage to the town. 

Letter No.6.

H.M.S. “Niger”

Saturday May 13th 1854

One does not realise what war really is until one has either suffered oneself or seen its sad effects on one’s friend. “Tiger,” “Niger,” and “Vesuvius” left the fleet, as I told you in my last letter, to look in to Odessa and see if anything could be picked up in the way of prizes. We left about noon on the 11th, and went on full speed. Captain Giffard, being senior officer, made us some signals as to what course he should steer during the night, and told us in case of parting company to rendezvous at Odessa.

About six in the evening he was five or six miles ahead of me (for the “Niger” does not seem to go the faster for having her keel roughened and knocked about by the rocks), and we were obliged to stop half an hour to put something to rights in the machinery, so that when we were ready to proceed he must have been about ten miles ahead; and besides that a regular Black Sea fog had come on, so that one could not see the ship’s length. I therefore gave up all idea of keeping company, and steered my own course for Odessa, arriving there in the morning and stopping the engines until the fog should clear up. We had heard the firing of guns occasionally in the direction of the shore, but knowing there was a large garrison at Odessa we concluded it was their exercise day. The guns were not continuous enough for an engagement, and it was natural to suppose that if either of our companions was onshore the last thing they would do would be to fire guns, as their anxiety would be to avoid drawing attention to their state.

The fog cleared up at half-past eleven, and we found ourselves in the middle of Odessa Bay, not a mile from the Moles. I believe I have before mentioned finding a quantity of luggage belonging to Admiral Kornilaff on board one of the captured brigs; this luggage I had unfortunately turned over to the “Retribution,’ thinking she would be the first ship here, but I had written a note explaining all about it to the Governor at Odessa, and this note I put on board a Dutch brig which was close to me when the fog rose. Whilst the boat was away I discovered the “Tiger” on shore, five miles to the southward.

I had to wait ten minutes for the boat, and then went on as hard as I could to her assistance. The “Vesuvius” came up from southward just before me. We saw the poor “Tiger” within thirty yards of the beach, over which rose cliffs a hundred and twenty feet high, crowned by no end of Russian field pieces and troops, the former shelling the “Tiger.” We opened our fire as soon as we had got within range, but it was clear the “Tiger” was in the enemy’s hands, for she had no colours up; she made no answer to my signal “How can I assist you?” and no return to the Russian guns, nor could we see anyone on board. The Russian fire was therefore probably intended to lure us to closer quarters, or perhaps to tempt our boats in to bring off the crew. However, Powell, the Commander of the “Vesuvius,” came on board and said he thought he had seen the “Tiger’s” crew marching up the hill side, and so as nothing more was to be done and there was no object in merely exchanging shots with the field pieces, we steamed out of range and ceased firing.

Smoke then began to rise from the “Tiger,” and she was very soon in a blaze fore and aft; whether her own crew or the Russian shells had done it we don’t know. In any case it was the best thing that could have happened, for with a garrison at Odessa of thirty thousand men and the ship thirty yards from the beach it would have been absurd to attempt and impossible to succeed in getting her off. I then hoisted a flag of truce and sent in a note to the Russian Commander asking for information about the crew. My boat was met half way by one from the shore, whose officer promised an answer should be sent, and explained (as well as a man speaking in Italian could to one who only understood English) that one officer (who turned out to be Captain Giffard) and one sailor were killed and three wounded, and that the rest were all prisoners, that the guns were all thrown overboard and the ship full of water. I waited for three hours, but no answer came. In the meantime the fire was doing its work, the masts fell in succession, and the whole of the upper works were in flames.

The poor “Tigers” seem to have done their best to get off, their boats were out and they had laid out a stern anchor and thrown their guns overboard; but it is difficult to account for their being all made prisoners, unless it was that they were so hard at work that they did not observe the rising of the fog in time to get away. Doubtless the first thing they saw was an overwhelming force almost over their heads; still I should have thought they would have  taken to their boats and risked the chance of being shot in preference to the certainty of a prison. The thick fog again came on at six, and I left to return to the Admiral. We had three men slightly wounded by shrapnel, but none of any consequence; several balls struck the ship’s side, but only those coming through the ports could do much hard at that distance.

Poor Mrs Giffard is at Malta with her children. The first lieutenant and surgeon are lately married, but one’s sympathies are always more strong for those one knows than for strangers. It is altogether a most sad business, and I don’t know when I have passed a more unhappy evening than I did last night. The only consolation is that although we have lost a ship the Russians have not gained one. I suppose they will. In the course of time be able to dive for the engine, but it will be none the better for having been in salt water. I suppose experience will make us careful; the “Sidon” and “Niger” but narrowly escaped the “Tiger’s” fate, they were neither of them so close to the shore, but both were well within range, and if guns had been brought down in any numbers they must probably have been abandoned. The fogs are wonderfully thick, but still we ought of course to be guided by the lead, and feel our way the more carefully. 

I have been now all day at the rendezvous; I am with the “Vesuvius” in a sort of ring of clear water, with massive solid fog almost all round the horizon. Where the Admiral is I cannot guess. I am anxious to find him soon that he may send home the true account of this unhappy business before Russian exaggerations can reach England.

Monday May 15th 1854

I found the Admiral this morning, thick fogs have kept the fleet immovable for the last two days. He was much affected by the news I brought him, and the French Admiral, to whom he sent me, also showed much sympathy. In the course of the afternoon the Admiral sent off two steamers to Odessa with, I believe, a letter to the Governor about the prisoners. They returned this afternoon, the 16th, and report that Captain Giffard lost his left leg, his nephew of the same name, a midshipman, was killed, and that the Captain and three or four of the men have since died of their wounds. They ran on shore at half-past five in the morning and were taken at half-past ten, but no further particulars could be gleaned; the Russians were very civil, and they suppose the prisoners will be well treated. It is a satisfaction to know the guns I heard were not the “Tiger’s,” although my conscience would under any circumstances be quite clear, for had I stood in towards them I should not have gone into shoaler water than six fathoms, which is more than half a mile from the shore, and as one could not see twenty yards on account of the fog I should not have seen the “Tiger.” 

Wednesday May 17th 1854

I have now seen the first lieutenant’s official report. They were unmolested until nine o’clock, when musketry began at them but did no damage; then came field pieces, which at first fired only at the masts and rigging, but at ten o’clock began at the ship and set her on fire in a few minutes. Most of the crew were down trying to put the fire out when the shot was fired which took off Giffard’s leg and wounded the others, and it was clear that further resistance was useless. It was even then so foggy that the Russian ensign which they hoisted in token of submission could not be seen, and they had to send and officer in a boat with a white flag to state they had surrendered. Neither the official letter nor any of those from the prisoners which I have seen hint at the idea of getting away in the boats, and that part of the story is still a mystery. The soundings on this part of the coast are very regular, and the getting on shore was perfectly inexcusable, but it is known that when the “Tiger” left the fleet Giffard was suffering from a bad attack of fever, and it is said that when they got into ten fathoms, and that when so called he said, “Call me when you get into eight fathoms,” and then “Call me when in six fathoms,” and before the officer who called him could get on deck again the ship was aground.

So the “fever” lost the ship. But what was the navigating officer doing all this time? In the effort to get off there was a strange illustration of the truth of the proverb that “A little knowledge is a dangerous thing.” An anchor was laid out astern, but instead of bringing its cable straight through the stern port to the capstan it was taken round the bows and brought back to the capstan through the hawse pipe, under the extraordinary idea that by so doing the heaving off power of the capstan would be doubled. The officer who directed this arrangement had been to the Naval College, and I suppose had gone through a course of lectures showing that pulleys could be made to multiply power, but he had misread or forgotten the principle. The fleet went on to Baljik for water and provisions, and I kept company with them and left for Constantinople and Malta on the 22nd.

Scurvy has shown itself in the fleet, and Baljik beef is so bad that it is not likely to cure it. A couple of ships at a time must be sent to the Bosphorus. Two forts, Poti and Redoubt Kale, have fallen to Sir Edmund Lyons, but as far as I can understand they made no resistance. I picked up Mary at Therapia and left with her on the 26th for Malta to repair, and am still en route. 

Commander Leopold Heath - Letter No. 7

H.M.S. “Niger,”

Ended Friday August 18th, 1854

Off the Danube.
You know by this time that I left Malta on the 23rd July, 1854, towing the transport “Arthur the Great” full of bread, and that on nearing the Doro passage I saw the transport “Shooting Star” with a foul wind, and that knowing her to be laden with mules I dropped the bread and took the mules in tow. I arrived at Constantinople on the 30th of July, remained coaling until the 2nd of August, and then with the “Apollo” storeship in tow joined the Admiral at Baljik on the 3rd of August.

Whilst at Constantinople I took Richard Crofton (who is spending a month on board on leave from Malta) to see the lions, and first and foremost of course stood St. Sophia. You know that until quite recently a firman has been a necessary preliminary to getting in, but times are changed and we put a bold face on and walked straight to the door, took off our boots, and wandered about quite unmolested. I think Captain Eden’s prophecy will come to pass after all. He says that he expects in a few years people will be driving in hansom cabs to St. Sophia to hear a popular preacher. I discovered something new to buy in the bazaars this time – Turkish towels; you get them of a good size for two shillings each.
I found most of the fleet at Balchik, but a few vessels were at Varna assisting in the disembarkation of troops and stores. There is cholera amongst the troops at Varna, much worse with the French than the English; there have been a few cases amongst men-of-war, and there again the French are the worst off. The much-talked-of expedition to the Crimea does not seem in favour with the big-wigs, principally, I believe, from want of positive information as to the Russian forces likely to be opposed to us, but partly from uncertainty as to Austria’s intentions; and indeed I suppose it would be rash for sixty thousand men to land in an enemy’s country if there were a hundred thousand troops ready to oppose them, and a very strong fortress into the bargain. One thing is quite clear, that if they go at all no more time must be lost. 

I landed on the evening of the 5th for a walk. The watering place is the mouth of a fine stream of water which we traced up to its source, the road passing though orchards and vineyards, the nearest whereof will, I suppose, as the fruit ripens be plucked by the boat’s crew of the watering parties. On returning I found the steam getting up, and that I was ordered to the blockade of the Danube, recalling the “Sidon” and “Highflyer.” I reached them on the 7th, and as I had brought instructions for them to load their ships with timber  which is lying on the beach at the mouth of the river, their Captains, Goldsmith and Moore, with Crofton and myself went on shore to start the working parties and to look about us.

The light-house, which has been respected hitherto, is a capital place on which to establish a look out; it is 70 feet high and from the gallery at the top you look out on a flat reedy plain, the delta of the river, too swampy for human creatures to walk on, and as therefore enemies could only come to the attack via the paths or the river, your working parties are quite secure when once your spy has got his glass and flag to the top of the lighthouse. We saw no enemy and carried off unmolested as much timber as the vessels could take. I got under weigh before dark, to avoid the clouds of mosquitoes which were reported to have attacked the other two ships the previous night; for whatever honour and glory there might be in awaiting the attack of a body of Russian cavalry I am sure I should not have got promotion for boldly awaiting the attack of Russian mosquitoes, and bad rest at night is weakening and harassing both for officers and men. 

Friday August 11th 1854

I have been cruising under sail, sighting the three principal mouths as often as possible. On the 9th I made sure I saw a brig sail down the Kilia and anchor near the mouth. I stood out to sea as if I had not seen her and stood in again the next day in hopes of finding her outside, but the weather being clearer I saw it was the parish church with two towers, each with a number of stories representing top-sails, top-gallant sails, and royals, which I had mistaken for a brig. 

Saturday August 12th.1854

There are signal posts at every two miles all along the coast between the Danube and Odessa; these posts we have always supposed to be for telegraphs, and as the carrying of stores from Odessa coastwise to the Danubian army, would, of course, be much facilitated by the notice which these telegraphs might communicate of the temporary absence of our blockading ships, I thought it would be a good thing to destroy a lot of them and thus break the continuity of the line. This morning being calm and suitable for landing I stood slowly in as far as five fathoms, which brought me fairly within range of one of them, and manned all the boats. Cossacks and foot soldiers were hovering about, and owing to the ridgy nature of the beach no satisfactory estimate of their numbers could be made; as therefore I think one should always in such cases make use of all the means at one’s command and risk as little as possible, I commenced operations by sending them as small number of sixty-eight and thirty-two pounder shot from the ship guns, and left directions for a broadside to be fired just before we landed. This was done accordingly, and we landed and chopped down our post without opposition. After we had returned on board I saw a Russian officer ride along the beach and talk for a moment to every soldier he met; the result of the conference always was that the soldier’s musket was fired off, and I suppose the object must have been to enable the officer to make a grand report to his superior. Thus ended our grand “Battle of the Beacon.” (Do you remember the cartoon in Westminster Hall with that title?) The post, however, turned out not to be a telegraph, but only a rough spar with a tarred hay band wound round it, so that it could not send telegraphic messages , but could only make some one single signal; and as any bonfires made of rubbish, would answer the enemy’s purpose just as well as the posts we might have cut down, I have given up the notion of destroying any more.

Monday August 14th 1854

There was great excitement at four o’clock this morning, the officer of the watch rushing down to my cabin – “Three vessels close to us, Sir; two of them steamers.” “Beat to quarters and get steam up;” and as soon as I had dressed and had one look at them I hunted out the private signal and felt a good deal relieved when I saw one of the vessels with the proper flag up, for owing to too great a love for economy the fires had been allowed to burn down too low, and had our friends been Russians they would have been much too close to be pleasant before the engines could have been worked. “Experientia docet,” and I shall be less pennywise in future and always be ready for anything just before daylight. They turned out to be the “Sidon,” “Vesuvius,” and “Spitfire”; the first and last come for a cargo of timber, which is to be picked up in large rafts at the Sulina mouth – Wallachian property, I suppose. Poor inhabitants of the Principalities, they suffer from both sides!

The “Vesuvius” remains under my orders. They bring bad news, the cholera which has already committed great havoc amongst the troops has now broken out on board the fleets. They have all got under weigh and are cruising, which is the best thing they could do, but the outbreak seems to have been very sudden and very fatal. The “Montebello” lost forty men in twenty-four hours, one steamer, the “Furious” has lost eleven “Vesuvius” and “Sidon” had each lost one, and expected the death of two or three more. We have none attacked yet, and as soon as we have finished our job of helping to load these two vessels I shall get under weigh and never anchor unless when necessary; indeed, as the Danube has three principal mouths, which should all receive daily visits, anchoring off any one of the mouths could hardly be called blockading the river. Captain Goldsmith tells me that the Crimean expedition was decided on and the embarkation about to take place when the scourge broke out, and that it is now out of the question until next spring. How strange that it should have attacked all the fleets and armies engaged in this war both here and in the Baltic. I have not by-the-bye heard of it in Sebastopol, but Cronstadt is I see by the papers suffering from it.

Wednesday August 16th 1854

Too much swell for getting into the river as yet, and we have been cruising in the offing. This morning I saw some Russian fishermen warily plying their trade a good way off shore and sent my boats after them. After a long chase they caught two boats with five men, but such men none of you ever saw; they were dressed in trousers and frocks of the most coarse description, ragged and filthy to an extraordinary degree – the Chinese fishermen dress like princes in comparison – their faces were quite covered with hair, and I am sure the Russians (barbarous as they are) have no barbers! My object in sending for these gentlemen was to endeavour to find out if there was any communication going on between Odessa and the Kilia by sea and what had become of the eighty Russian gunboats said to be in the Danube, for if the army leaves the banks of the river I suppose they will try and smuggle these vessels to Odessa.

But my friends seem to have been brought up amongst fish, to have lived amongst fish, and to be but little above them in intelligence, so I could get nothing out of them in that line and had to put up with two fine sturgeon, one weighing 309 lbs. I paid them what was supposed to be a fair price, rather against their will, for they said, “If you take the fish it is all very well, but if you buy it from us we shall get beaten when we land.” They enjoyed biscuit and pea soup amazingly, but whether it was a fast day or whether they had imbibed the prejudices of their Mussulmen neighbours I don’t know, for they would neither touch pork or biscuit which had been on the same plate with it. We flatter ourselves they left with a good opinion of the English character, at all events of the English pea soup, and I hope and think the poor fellows will, if they keep their own counsel, escape their  anticipated beating, for they could hardly have been seen from the shore.

Friday August 18th 1854

Yesterday was fine enough for us to work at our timber loading. The “Spitfire” went inside the river with our boats and came out in the evening with an immense collection. Whilst inside, the mast-head look-out reported some Cossacks, and the “Spitfire’s” officers went up and counted five dodging amongst the high reeds within half a mile of us. We thought this unsafe for our stragglers, and a gun was fired from the “Spitfire” in the direction they were supposed to be which by good fortune killed one of their horses, so we shall have instilled a salutary fear of our guns into the minds of these people without having killed anything but a horse.

I have come to the end of my paper and the end of my news. We remain as yet free from all choleraic symptoms, and as I intend to keep at sea I think we have every chance of remaining clear. Richard Crofton is picking up strength. The thermometer has been down as low as 72 degrees and commonly averages 76 degrees, and the weather is very fine. We want our letters more than anything else; I suppose the next arrival will bring us some.


Commander Leopold Heath  - Letter No.8

H.M.S. “Niger,”

Off the Danube

Sunday August 27th, 1854
In these cholera days I shall lose no opportunity of writing, although on looking at the place I write from you will hardly expect news. We have not a symptom of the malady on board, and it seems to have left our colleague, the “Vesuvius,” for they have been a full week without fresh cases.

The climate is very pleasant, thermometer varying from 65 to 75 degrees, and there is scarcely a day passes without some event to enliven the monotony of mere blockading. Yesterday we sent a boat six miles off to a fisherman’s boat which, with one man in it, had drifted out to sea. The current was too strong for him to pull to the ship, and the officer of the watch fortunately had his glass on him when, having resigned himself to his fate, he left off pulling and began making those protestations and gesticulations with which Easterns accompany their prayers. Had he not prayed, the officer of the watch would have supposed him to be fishing.

The embarkation has begun at Varna; I cannot help thinking it much too late in the season for Sebastopol, and that Odessa is its real destination, with perhaps an excursion thence to Nicolaev. However, all the world talks of the Crimea. Tatham, the only Commander in command senior to me has just got a death vacancy from the Admiral, which is a good thing for me. Cholera by the last accounts has almost died away in the fleet, but they must have lost upwards of four hundred men. 

Letter No.9.

Finished off the Danube,Expeditionary Fleets in sight,

Friday September 8th, 1854.
My last was sent off by the “Sidon,” August 19th, when I was left with the “Vesuvius” to carry out the blockade of the Danube.

Monday 21st August 1854

On the evening of the 21st August we boarded a Tuscan brig from Odessa, bound to Constantinople with the ordinary cargo of linseed and wool and an extraordinary one of rope and sail canvas piled up on her decks; no doubt all Russian property, but according to the Order in Council such property, once on board a neutral ship cannot be touched. I should like to know what arguments can be brought to show the propriety of this arrangement. I can understand that it may be expedient to endeavour to win neutrals to our side by granting them this boon, but the practical effect must, it seems to me, be that unless we establish a blockade the whole world except England – enemy and all – may trade and make money and pay custom house duties at any Russian port. The only merchants who suffer loss are the English, and we prohibit them from doing that which we allow the enemy to do.

The cholera still hangs about the “Vesuvius,” and as she has been off and on this blockade for the last two months her crew have been fed a good deal on salt meat and want a change, so on the 22nd August I anchored at the St. George’s mouth and landing with three boats opened a communication with some natives who promised to sell us bullocks the next day.

Wednesday 23rd August 1854

The 23rd  it was too stormy to land, but on the 24th the boats went in; the natives, however, had then changed their mind, and said they were afraid of the Russians, and we came away unsuccessful. In the evening we communicated with “Terrible,” “Fury,” and “Retribution,” the two former on their return from a reconnaissance of Sebastopol, the latter on her way to Odessa to exchange a few more men for “Tiger’s.” they report the Russians working hard at the land defences of Sebastopol. They brought us some letters and the news of Tatham’s promotion, vice Captain Smith of the “Simoon,” dead of cholera. The cholera seems to have nearly ceased both with the fleet and army, the fleet having lost somewhere about four hundred men. Tatham’s promotion leaves me the senior Commander in command on the station. 

Saturday 26th August 1854
On the 26th we picked up a Russian fisherman twelve or fourteen miles off the land, without any paddles or anything to eat. Dunn came to me in the morning at daylight to report this boat in sight, and made one or two successive reports about her, all tending to show that the poor fellow was adrift and not merely fishing, and I directed a boat to be sent after him, for the last report was – “He has given up pulling, and I can just make out that he is bowing and crossing himself and kowtowing.”

It was not until a day or two afterwards that his real story came out; it was that he was drunk the previous evening and had launched his canoe to come off to the ships, and soon drifted out with the current, having only a bit of plank to paddle with. Out of gratitude for being rescued he showed us where there was a herd of bullocks, and on the 28th we landed with all the force of the two ships and drove them down to the beach. The owner wisely followed them, and we paid him his own price and sent him back from the ships well contented with his bargain, and promising to make a market for us the next time we went to his neighbourhood.

Catching the bullocks was great fun. We kept a large semicircle with fixed bayonets inclosing the herd down on the beach whilst the sailors selected their beasts, seized them first by the tail, as the most apparent handle, and then by the legs, and flinging them down on the sand tied their legs together; they were then secured by a long rope round the horns, and the legs being untied, were hauled off to the attendant boats. 

Wednesdya August 30th 1854

“Firebrand” arrived and took the “Vesuvius” back to the Admiral. The preparations for the Crimea are being pushed on, and the Admiral writes word that he shall sail in about a week, but that he cannot take me away from this station. To have been neatly put out of the way at Odessa for his own Commander’s sake was perhaps fair enough, but it seems hard that I should be passed over a second time. He, of course, wants every vessel with paddle box boats for landing troops, but he must also want every vessel with steam power for towing them across, and I think the “Diamond” might safely be left here whilst the fleet is at Sebastopol to prevent anything coming out.

Friday September 8th 1854

The first division of the grandest and mightiest expedition ever yet undertaken, not excepting those of the Spanish Armada, hove in sight this morning – it consists of twenty-seven French and Turkish men-of-war, all brimful of troops. The remainder of the expedition has sufficient steam power to be independent of wind, this portion was therefore sent on to a rendezvous off Fidonisi Island. The “Spitfire” also came this morning with the welcome news that I was to join the Admiral. I fancy I owe it to Sir Edmund Lyons, who told the Admiral that there should on such occasion be no “specialities,” that all special services should merge in this grand undertaking.

There are actually embarked twenty-eight thousand French, and twenty-eight thousand English; a second trip will be made for some of the cavalry which have been left behind. Eupatoria is the spot chosen for landing. It seems a long way from Sebastopol but I suppose the object is to land the troops without opposition, they can then proceed in order of battle to hinder opposition being made to landing the siege train and heavy stores nearer the scene of operations.

The weather is at present very favourable, and although the general opinion is that it is very late in the season, it may turn out that we escape the autumnal fever of the Crimea which is more formidable than even Varna cholera. Captain Spratt, of the “Spitfire,” brings us the first news of Bomarsand being taken, and says, “It has given spirit to all our people, some of whom were inclined to think that it was true that the Russians had one hundred and eighty thousand men in the Crimea, and that it was therefore folly to attack them with fifty-six thousand.”

I shall take this [letter] on board the flagship and leave it for the first opportunity; no doubt I shall then find some of yours. Mary writes word of huge box of strawberry jam that has arrived. Many thanks, I shall be well off in that line; wife supplied apricot and mulberry, and sister, strawberry jam.

Letter No. 9 – Commander Leopold Heath - continued.

At Sea, with Expeditionary Force bound for Crimea.

Saturday September 9th, 1854.
A journal letter will now be of some interest, one day will probably feed it better than one month has hitherto done.

On the 7th I had anchored at the southern mouth of the Danube to buy stock, and whilst the boat was on shore saw a fleet to seaward. I recalled the boat, of course, and stood out and found the fleet to consist only of French and Turkish men-of-war, full of troops, but without steamers. I went on board the flagship and heard that having few steamers they thought it better to start as soon as they were ready, leaving the transports with provisions, etc., to follow.

The wind was then from the southward, and the French were but fifteen miles south of the Island of Fidonisi, which was the first rendezvous. Admiral Hamelin received news from a small steamer (whilst I was on board) that Admiral Dundas would leave that morning, and said to me, “I shall anchor under Fidonisi Island, or perhaps heave to – what do you think?” I replied, “How do the Turks manage their vessels? If they are not likely to run foul of you, when hove to, I should think you would save time by doing so.”

Accordingly the fleet was hove to, but during the night the wind veered gradually round, and instead of drifting fifteen miles to the northward, as might fairly have been expected, they drifted fifteen miles to the southward, and when on the 8th the English fleet hove in sight there they were thirty miles to leeward of the rendezvous. I don’t think my advice was wrong, for it was given when the wind was south, and when it changed to north the fleet should have made sail.

I think I have before told you that Admirals Dundas and Hamelin are said to be much against this expedition, and so are two-thirds of the big-wigs, both soldiers and sailors. Admiral Bruat (French), Lord Raglan, and Admiral Lyons are the only energetic promoters of it. The consequences of this lukewarmness, or backwardness, is that each of the two Admirals, having urgent orders to prosecute the business and yet strong private personal opinions against it, would be glad to put the blame of any delay at the door of the other, and it seems the English blame the French for this thirty miles loss. No doubt the French have not steamers enough, and are much to be blamed on that account, because three weeks ago they sent for the English Admirals and produced a written agreement, or convention, relative to the method in which this expedition as far as the navies are concerned was to be carried out. In that agreement it was expressly stipulated that every vessel should be towed, and they have failed to carry out that part of the plan.

Wednesday September 13th 1854

Six days since the English left Baljik. Here we are at Eupatoria, and I suppose tomorrow the troops, fifty-six thousand strong, with a hundred and fifty field pieces, will disembark. I have had Admiral Lyons on board here for six or seven hours, and he did not hesitate at telling me of all the divisions at the council table; they certainly don’t seem at all unanimous, and it is a great pity Admiral Dundas does not go to England and leave Sir Edmund Lyons the Commander-in-chief.

We are at this moment anchored three or four miles from the point of disembarkation, and no one but Admiral Dundas can say why we are not in our proper position for landing, since there are still two hours daylight before us now whilst I am writing. The sight of the fleet as sea is very inspiriting. They sail (I speak of the English alone) in seven lines, every vessel being towed by a steamer, or to speak more correctly, every two or three vessels, according to their size, being towed by one steamer. The mass is very imposing. I heard one of the Engineers say the other day that the smoke was for all the world like Staffordshire. Almost all the evidence we have tends to show that forty-five thousand men is the force of the Russians in the Crimea, but it is said that forty thousand more have left Odessa to reinforce them. 

There is a hail from the “Agamemnon” to close letter bag, and I must say good-bye to you all for the present. Sir Edmund Lyons has the disembarkation under his orders. Commander Powell commands one-half of the beach, Commander Heath the other; the whole being under Captain Dacres. We don’t expect any opposition, the points chosen being, as you will see in the map, a few miles South of Eupatoria, backed by a lake, so that you have but to secure the flanks and your landing goes on unimpeded. 

Statement of Troops, etc., landed at Old Fort between the 14th and 18th September, 1854

Light Division, rank and file – 5,454

First ______________ 4,711

Second ___________4,222

Third_____________ 3,794

Fourth____________4,367

Artillery ___________ 2,500

Engineers __________  379

Cavalry ____________ 1,190

Officers and Sergeants. 2,000
Field Guns.  ___________54

Total Horses, including those for baggage and spare ammunition. 4,000

Plan – page 53

These Vessels are not numbered amongst the Vessels distinguished by their shading, having on board only Commissariat Stores. 
10 Line of Battle Ships and about 22 Man of War Steamers besides.
Order of Anchoring

Beach“Shark” “Varna” “Circassia” “Danube” “Brenda” “Minna” “Pigmy” 

Columns to be two Cables and Ships one Cable apart.

Light Division

1st Division

2nd Division

3rd Division

4th Division

Cavalry

The order of sailing the same as above with the exception of the distances. In the line of sailing the distance is to be four Cables and the Columns are to be four Cables apart.

Letter No.10

Finished off the River Alma

Friday September 22nd 1854.

I have been too busy lately to write my journal up daily, but on the other hand events are of so exciting a nature that they are tolerably well impressed on one’s memory.

I told you – although not in a journal letter – of our anchoring at Eupatoria on the 13th September, much to everyone’s astonishment, for we had daylight enough before us to have gone on at once to our intended ground.

In the evening I was sent for to the “Agamemnon” where Sir Edmond Lyons told me he had persuaded Admiral Dundas to allow the transports to weigh at one o’clock in the morning so as to be at the intended disembarkation point at early daylight, and that I was to go round and distribute the orders. I assured him that if all weighed at once they would infallibly run foul of one another, and persuaded him to allow them to weigh in divisions at one, two and three o’clock respectively. Thereupon Mends the Flag Captain, Cleeve the Secretary, with myself, set to work tearing sheets of note paper in half and writing out the orders for each ship; Sir Edmund signing as fast as we finished them. It took me until eleven o’clock distributing my share of the orders, and at two in the morning of the 14th a wretched fellow ran on shore close to me and I, of course, had to help him off, and I was afraid of being out of all the disembarking work. The “Tribune” and “Leander” remained with us for protection in case there should have been any field pieces in the neighbourhood, and as a reward I towed the “Leander” to the fleet, “Tribune” towing the transport.

We arrived just when the boats had landed the first time, and having been appointed to command one half of the beach, I landed at once and remained there until nine o’clock at night, when there were no more unloaded boats and when the signal had been made to annul landing. Unfortunately four or five extra zealous officers attempted to land after that, and the swell having set in heavily, the boats were swamped and left on the beach. There was no opposition whatever made by the Russians to our landing. In fact not a soldier was to be seen, and owing to the excellent arrangements made beforehand, in providing small steam tugs and large double boats with platforms over them, the whole of the infantry and about a dozen guns were landed that day; a much greater achievement than those

-
[Page 54 – Map – Landing of The Expedition, September 1854]

-who have never seen it can imagine. The next morning the surf was too bad to attempt landing, and we were on the point of returning to Eupatoria, when the swell went down a little and encouraged us to go on. The work went on in the same manner next day, beginning at three in the morning and ending at eight in the evening. By noon of the 18th everything was landed, and then began what must happen more or less in such extensive undertakings, viz., undoing what had been done. The army found they had not pack horses enough, and we had to re-embark the tents; then, after long discussion, they had fully decided to leave the packs and their contents on board and to carry a blanket, a great coat, a shirt, pair of shoes, towel, and the traditional bit of soap, and no more, and all the troops had been landed with this allowance on their backs, but further experience proved that these things would be more easily carried in their knapsacks, which were therefore sent for, but there was some confusion about them owing to this change of view, and many knapsacks were not recovered until the transports had reached Balaklava. The inhabitants are most favourably disposed towards us, and we pay rigorously for everything we get.

The armies advanced on the morning of the 19th, the French being on the right, next to the beach, then the Turks, and then the English; the men-of-war and the commissariat transports following, or rather keeping abreast of the French. Several empty transports were started off for reinforcements to Varna. The bank of the river Alma was the position on which it was intended to encamp, and on approaching it the Russians were discovered in great force and in a strong position ready to dispute the passage. They made a reconnaissance near a small stream called the Bulganak with a large body of cavalry and some guns. A few rounds were fired on each side and then both parties stood fast for the night, the fleets anchoring, with the steamers close in to the mouth of the river.

Wednesday September 20th 1854 - Battle of Alma

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=izrJV2IwZJA - video

Daylight showed us both armies as on the previous evening, the Russians in a strong position on the left bank of the Alma, about two and a half or three miles from its mouth out of reach of our guns, and the Allies, two miles from the right bank. A letter from one of the Generals informed us of the plan of attack, which was that the French, fording the mouth of the river, were to endeavour to turn the enemy’s left, the Turks were to advance in front (but I have since found that the Turks were left in reserve), and the English to march well up the river and, crossing it, turn the Russian right. Their march was a long one, I should suppose not much less than ten miles, and the French began, I think, too soon.

They marched close along the beach and meeting no opposition scrambled up very prettily in loose order to the top of the range of hills forming the left bank of the river, their artillery getting up unmolested by a broader road. Their object then evidently was to hold that ground until we came up, and although there was a good deal of firing, of which, on account of the brow of the hill, we could only see the smoke, I don’t think they were seriously attacked. I thought I counted fifty-four Russian guns. About two hours after the French had gained their position, the head of our army appeared on the south bank of the river, marching down, as I thought, from inland. 

The Russians had, I think, guessed the nature of our plan, and had hitherto confined themselves almost entirely to firing their artillery, keeping their infantry perfectly stationary in six dense close columns, looking like squares of, I should suppose, five thousand men each. Their leading battery was placed in an earthwork,  and in rear of this earthwork were the remaining guns and these masses of infantry.

Our leading regiment, or perhaps it was the second or third (for I think one or two had passed in front of the Russians towards the French) turned to its left to storm the earthwork, the guns in which were quickly limbered up and retired, and one of the Russian massed took the place of the guns in the redoubt. The struggle was fearful and lasted, I suppose, ten minutes; our regiments advancing and firing in line.

The Russians did not deploy but gave way whilst still in their solid formation and ran off, beginning at the rear of the mass. The streaming away from the rear was a curious sight. It began with a few individuals, but the numbers increased every minute, until the formation became exactly like a rocket, or a comet with a bushy tail. No doubt those in the rear suffered from our fire as much as those in front, but they had not the excitement of firing at us in return, and thus lost heart more quickly. We were then left in possession of the earthwork, when down came a second mass which was repulsed with the same success, but I think this time the French on the right helped in repulsing them; and there was an end of the battle, as far as we could see, for the Russians went off towards Sebastopol as hard as they could.

If the Russian masses had met less valiant men they would have separated the English and French and gained the day. I think that should have been their plan, and if they had turned their whole force against the French at first, instead of doggedly remaining in their original position to carry out their original plan, I believe they would have had every chance of success. 

I saw all that I have described to you from the “Niger’s” main-top, where I spent four anxious hours. I suppose few people have ever been so well placed for seeing a battle as we were (except on the French side which was hidden from us by the cliff).  

[page 58 – Map – Battle of Alma. September 20th 1854]

All the fighting took place within three miles of us, which from such an elevation with our good telescopes, is near enough to see everything except such details as were hidden by the inequalities of the ground. The weather was, however, very hazy and there was much smoke, not only from the firing but from a village on the right side of the river to which the Russians had set fire, and I daresay my account is not rigidly accurate.

The national peculiarities in the fighting line were very strongly marked; the French climbed their cliff in loose skirmishing order, the English attacked in lines, and the Russians fought in regular Macedonian phalanxes. In the rough plan which I send you I don’t attempt to give any idea of numbers, only of positions, and you must remember that the valley in which the Russian army was principally stationed slopes from its head down towards the river’s bank. The borders of the river are lined with trees and bushes, in which a good deal of skirmishing took place. Our army remained for the night in the valley where the Russians had been, pretty well tired I should think, poor fellow! I shall most likely hear more details tomorrow, but want to keep my letter in a forward state, as I suppose despatches will then be sent off.

Thursday September 21st. 1854

I have walked round the field of battle and a horrid sight I have seen, but it has often been described and I shall not repeat the description. On actually going over the ground and making inquiries on the spot I find my description of the English advance must be modified; instead of turning the right flank they took the bull by the horns, Lord Gough fashion, and marched straight up to the batteries; the result of which is a loss of about four hundred killed and one thousand five hundred wounded. Some accounts say that owing to the smoke of a village, which the Russians set on fire, the batteries were not seen until it was too late to hesitate; other say that the river was not fordable higher up. I believe the first version the correct one.

Friday September 22nd 1854

The army has not yet advanced because we have not been able to get the wounded on board; we, that is, the seamen of the fleet, have been working hard all yesterday and today carrying them down to the boats in hammocks slung upon oars. The English are now (8pm) all embarked, but there are still many Russians to bring tomorrow. Their loss is variously estimated at from three thousand to five thousand men, but they must, I think, have carried off some of their officers, as the proportion we have found is small. The only unwounded man we have caught is a General; he is a burly, coarse-looking man, speaking no language but his own. 

There seems plenty of enthusiasm amongst our people, and they think having licked the whole Sebastopol army in the field they will soon get into their stronghold. I believe a division will be landed at Kaffa to prevent reinforcements coming from Anapa or other fortresses near Kertch. Simferopol will also be occupied, as it commands most of the roads, and I suppose if we don’t do our work before winter sets in the troops will very likely spend their Christmas there (that is, at Simferopol), unless we get materials for building huts. Of this, however, I know nothing, and perhaps if our works are much advanced it would not do to leave them. The weather as yet has been perfect, and had the expedition been under taken in July or August we should, I think, have lost more men from the sun than we did at Alma from the enemy. We never could have got through the disembarkation as we did, had the sun been hotter. 

There is still a little cholera hanging about, but the “Niger” remains perfectly healthy. My friends prophesy my promotion for the beach work, but I am not sanguine, for I see but few have gained a step for Bomarsund. The feud between the energetic Sir Edmund Lyons and his Commander-in –chief is getting strongly developed. I think Sir Edmund complains rather too bitterly, but no doubt Admiral Dundas is too old for this sort of work, and does not help Sir Edmund as he ought. While Sir Edmund’s squadron are slaving like horses the big ships are lying almost idle, three miles off. If they were blockading Sebastopol one would not care, but the port is left quite open and we don’t know that they are not sneaking their steamers off to Nicolaev all this time. The army advances tomorrow; we hear the next river is not defended.
[P.S. If you will send me out a couple of sheets of postage stamps I shall be able to prepay.

Letter No. 11.

Finished, Balaklava

Thursday September 28th 1854.
My last described the battle of Alma, a battle in which British soldiers proved that these are not degenerate days, but that the red coats of this generation cover as bold hearts as those which beat in the last.

I have a copy of the official list of killed and wounded, which gives a more favourable account than the estimate I sent you in Letter No.10: I send you a copy – 

Officers killed                      26

Sergeants killed                 19

Drummers killed                   2

Rand and file killed         306

Total killed                        353

Officers wounded               73

Sergeants wounded          95

Drummers wounded          17

Rank and file wounded1,427

Total wounded               1,612

We cannot get at the French account. To carry down one thousand four hundred and twenty-seven wounded, and two hundred or three hundred sick, a distance of two and a half miles is no joke. We landed a large body of men with hammocks slung upon oars, and brought them down in tolerable comfort, and as fast as a vessel was filled she started off to Constantinople.

The army could not of course move whilst all this was going on, and it was the 23rd before they advanced to their next encampment – the river Katchka, or Kara, as it is named in some of the charts. We have heard from a Russian deserter that they had moored five or six line of battle ships across the harbour’s mouth and intended to sink them as soon as the Allied Fleet weighed their anchors, and sure enough directly we weighed, the “Highflyer,” which was steaming down in that direction, saw one of them retire from active service.

On the 24th the Allies, with three days’ provisions on their backs, commenced a forced march, rounding the head of Sebastopol Harbour, and arrived within four miles of Balaklava before they halted. Whilst en route they came up with the rearguard of a large body of Russians marching from Sebastopol towards Simferopol, where Menchikoff expects twenty thousand men to arrive from the northward. The Scots Greys, who had only landed the day before, captured a quantity of luggage, killed about thirty men and took about forty prisoners; but Lord Raglan would not allow himself to be diverted from his main object, and prevented all pursuit. Amongst the luggage was Menchikoff’s champagne and a boar’s head, prepared, it is supposed, for his dinner, of which our hungry staff officers seem to have partaken with double glee.

The next morning two divisions marched on Balaklava whilst Sir E. Lyons and his squadron stood off its mouth. Having but a hundred men in garrison it surrendered in a few minutes, and losing no time, Sir Edmund sent me in to anchor each vessel as she came in, that no space might be lost, and he came in himself in the great “Agamemnon” the next day. Transports, both French and English came tumbling in , and the harbour is now almost as full as it will hold. It is a very small but very snug harbour and its acquisition is of the utmost importance.

Every one is delighted with this march round to the southward of Sebastopol. The army say the position can be held against double its numbers: then it secures our landing stores, provisions, reinforcements, etc., whenever they are wanted; and last, not least, it has stumped the Russians most completely, for all their energies for the last few months have been devoted to strengthening the northern face and they don’t seem to have contemplated an attack from this side. We are now busy landing the siege train as hard as we can. There is, at this season, a good road from here to the position chosen, and I suppose in two days more they will all be advanced up to it, and in another week the gabions, etc., of which there is a large store on board the transports, will be all up there too and the grand work ready for beginning. 

The weather is still fine, but it is time the troops had their tents to sleep under, for they have now been in open air from the day they landed, and they have had a good deal of hardship to go through and cholera sis still at work amongst them. Marshall St. Arnaud is dangerously ill, and has given up command to Canrobert, who is said to be a better man. I have picked up a sick officer here who turns out to be a neighbour of the John Arbuthnots – Major Blane by name.

We had an alarm this afternoon, the 28th September, that the Russians were marching in force to attack us, but it turns out to be nothing. We should be a fine prize for them; there area at least thirty vessels in here and so closely packed as to make it difficult to get them out. I intend to set up for harbour master somewhere after this. Of the party of “Nigers” who landed to carry down the wounded two have died of cholera, a third recovered, and I hope it is now all gone.

Letter No. 12.

Finished at Balaklava

Monday 3rd October, 1854.

My letter book tells me I have sent no journal since No.11 from the Alma, but I think that must be a mistake; nevertheless I number this letter 12, but shall give you a general idea of what has been done since the Alma, for fear the letter book should speak truth.

Carrying wounded down from the field of battle was hard work for the seamen and marines, and occupied nearly three days, after which the army advanced and crossed the Katchka, or Kara, as it is in your maps. They were then three miles or less from Fort Constantine, or more correctly the Star Fort – Fort Constantine being the proper name of the one at the mouth of the harbour. A forced march was then taken round the head of Sebastopol harbour to a position four miles from Balaklava, into which place a division marched the next day; the “Agamemnon,” “Sanspareil,” “Highflyer,” “Diamond,” and “Niger,” coming off the harbour’s mouth at the same time. Sir Edmund sent me in immediately with directions to anchor well up the harbour in order to leave room for the “Agamemnon,” and added, “I shall send a few small ships in; make them anchor out of the way.” However, I had no sooner got in than I found them tumbling in as fast as possible; fortunately I had begun from the beginning to pack them much as you may see them off London Bridge, only with their bows across the river and their sterns secured to the shore, and was able to squeeze in all that came. The “Agamemnon” came in the next day, and we have all been working hard ever since, clearing transports of every sort but more especially those laden with the siege guns.

Sunday 2nd October 1854
I am writing on the 2nd October. We have now landed all the guns except two, and the artillery have taken them all up to the camp, which is now close round the south side of Sebastopol. Carts, waggons, camels, and everything available, are now in constant requisition for the conveyance of shot, shell, and powder. Those French are funny fellows! It so happened that the only guns taken at the Alma were taken by our soldiers, who stormed the earthwork battery; the next day six artillery horses and a limber under charge of a French corporal came down, and he was about to walk off with one of the, but was fortunately stopped by some English officers. The man said he had been sent to measure the gun! – a process which certainly would have been more easily gone through with compasses and tape than with six horses and a limber.

There were a few small mortars at Balaklava, a shell from one of which burst very near Lord Raglan (for the garrison here made a show of resistance) at the taking of the place. There was not at the capture a Frenchman within four miles, but the next day some of them discovered the mortars and had actually got them down from their position to the road before they were stopped, and would in a very short time have embarked them as trophies with St. Arnaud’s luggage. Canrobert, St. Arnaud’s successor is much more highly spoken of than the latter was, and although I have not heard of any serious disagreement between the two former chiefs, the two present ones are likely to agree still better.

I am afraid Sir Edmund Lyons and Admiral Dundas don’t’ get on very well together; the latter is rather old for his position and does not understand the extraordinary energy and impetuous nature of the former. 

Monday 3rd October 1854
Yesterday a naval brigade of one thousand men with fifty ships’ guns came in to serve in the front; besides these men we have landed a thousand marines and encamped them on the heights around Balaklava for our own protection, for some of the Sebastopol troops are gone to Bachtchiserai and are there awaiting reinforcements from the north. A direct route runs from Bachtchiserai to Balaklava, and it would be worth a good deal to the Russians to take this place, even for one hour.

The harbour contains, amongst other valuable siege material, five hundred tons of gunpowder; so that one shell might make fine havoc. An expedition is just starting for Yalta, a place forty miles or so east of this, where there are large wine stores. We are to take the wine vi et armis for the use of the French troops, and I think the object of English ships forming part of the expedition must be to see that the French really do pay for what they take.

We do not expect to begin the trenches until the 6th, as Lord Raglan does not wish to open his fire until he can bring it to bear in heavy force. I am afraid it will take eight or ten days to get the ships’ guns up, and he would hardly wait so long as that. the French were at first a little jealous of our putting so many ships into this harbour, though they had no reason to be so, for every ship of theirs that came to the harbour’s mouth was brought in. the result, however, is that they have taken their transports to some very good little harbours between Cheronese and Sebastopol, and on account of this arrangement the positions of the two armies have been changed – the English being now on the right and the French on the left, each of us with our respective ports.

We get but little information from outside, and don’t know in the least what force is collecting at Bachtchiserai. And I believe we don’t much care; Sebastopol is our object, that once in our hands I suppose we shall attend to our friends in its neighbourhood. The weather is still beautiful and we have had no more cholera. The health of the troops is very fair and improving daily. They have at last got a portion of tents given them – I wish they had them all, for it is very cold at night. 

Letter No.13.

Finished, Balaklava,October 8th, 1854

Monday 3rd October 1854 - Balaklava
On the afternoon of the 3rd October I got upon Major Blane’s horse and rode to the camp to look at Sebastopol. I was perfectly astonished at the extent of the works which the Russians have thrown up in the last week. The only thing worthy of the name of a fortification on this side of the harbour, before the arrival of our army, was a stone Martello tower on our extreme right – that is to say, at the upper end of Sebastopol harbour, and there was, besides this, a miserable looking loopholed wall enclosing the sea face of the town.

Since our appearance they are said to have had two thousand men continuously at work, and they have enclosed the ground between the two permanent works of which I have spoken with an earthwork fortification, having regular curtains and bastions and in some places (but I cannot positively say as to all ) ditches. The guns are not yet all mounted in these works, but some half a dozen or so are, and they play continuously upon our lines. They must be of very heavy calibre, for the Engineers measured with sextants the distance at which one of the shot struck from its gun, and found it to be four thousand yards.

Our troops are spread along the whole south side of Sebastopol within about a mile and a half, or less, of the town. The enemy’s shell appear to be nearly harmless, for no aim can be taken with such high elevations. I have only heard to two men being killed as yet, but I should have thought we would have been as well a little further off. 

The thing that strikes all of us most is that we should allow the Russians to build these works and mount their guns without the slightest attempt to check or annoy them. It seems so clear that a man who is unmolested can heap up many more shovels full of earth in a day than a man who is looking round every five minutes to know where the shell burst, and whether it touched any of his friends or came near himself, that I should have thought we ought to have established a few stray guns in batteries at once, without waiting for the whole force to be ready for simultaneous opening.

It is said that Lord Raglan and Sir J. Burgoyne do not intend to fire until they can bring an overwhelming force of guns to bear, and that the latter says it will then take but twenty-four hours to destroy all he sees.

Thursday 6th October 1854 - Balaklava

I believe I mentioned before the arrival of a thousand men from the fleet with fifty 32-Pr guns; these are now reinforced by the “Beagle’s” two long Lancaster guns of 95 cwt., also by two equally heavy guns from the “Terrible” on the common principle. Great efforts are being made to get these up. Hore, who commands the “Beagle,” goes up with the brigade, being attached to Lord Raglan’s staff in some temporary manner, and so I hope he will come in for promotion when the grand event takes place. The shell for these Lancaster guns are at present all made by hand, the ordinary shells cost £20 a piece and some extraordinary ones cost, I am told £100 each. 

Friday 7th October 1854 - Balaklava

The Russians seem to be wondering what we are about, for yesterday they made a strong reconnaissance towards our lines and this morning a large body of infantry and cavalry came down in the direction of this harbour.

Our horse artillery sent them off in double quick time. Sir Edmund Lyons has been doing all he can (without success hitherto) to get a few batteries run up here, which would make the place very strong. This morning’s reconnaissance has done more than all his talking, and the Engineers are now actually at work at them. Carrying guns with all their shot, shell, and ammunition, is heavier work than people seem to have anticipated.

The day now named for beginning the trenches is the 10th. The joint expedition of French and English steamers to Yalta, with the view of getting wine for the French army, has just returned; they found none, and so we shall get the discredit of being pirates without the solid advantages of the trade. I believe we joined the expedition in order to make sure of the French paying for what they took; they only intended to pay in bons de tresor, and when they heard we had 10,000 in gold they said it was un grand malheur. It seems generally understood that the new French Commander-in-Chief is a much better General than his predecessor. I am glad to say, that the line of battle ships will be brought in to help at the grand cannonade. It would be a shameful thing if they were merely to look on when there was a possibility of making the slightest diversion in favour of the heroes of Alma, who will, I suspect, have hot work of it.

Sir Edmund Lyons will leave this harbour soon, and I hope to accompany him. There will be a little tustling as to who is to remain, but I think it will be Tatham, and that we, Sir Edmund’s special squadron, will go out with him. It is but fair that having had all the work we should also have the fighting, from which the rewards of promotion will accrue. I am, when I have time to think of such things, inclined to speculate on being promoted for the disembarkation, which would leave C.B. open to me for the capture. Nothing like a few castles in the air!

I have good accounts of Mary up to the 25th. An artillery officer has just been breakfasting with me who had a son born to him during the battle of Alma..  – No more cholera on board.

Letter No.14.Finished, Balaklava,

October 13th, 1854

Monday October 9th 1854 - Balaklava

I will try to keep my journal going with a little more regularity than I have hitherto done. It was blowing so hard today that no ships could come in or go out in safety, so that my special services would not be required, and I took a holiday and walked out to the lines with Moore and a Captain Twopenny, who was some months ago reporter to The Times. He has since been living on board various men-of-war, as a private friend of the respective Captains, and is at present on board the “Highflyer.”

We walked out to the extreme right, and found a battery built for the reception of three of our heavy naval guns, placed so as to be three thousand yards from two line of battle ships and one steamer, the guns from which impede our approaches. I should not have guessed the distance to be quite so much, but I suppose it has been measured with sextants. I see that, from experiments made from the “Excellent” at an old line of battle ship, the number of shot which may be expected to hit at that distance is only eleven or twelve per cent, and so I am afraid the battery, which will probably open tomorrow morning, will not sink the ships as soon as is expected.

This battery appears not as yet to have been discovered by the Russians, and our sentries made us sneak up to it, stooping down so as not to be seen and not to draw a fire upon it. We had a good look at the ships and harbour from behind it, and then sneaked to a pile of stones on the left, whence I saw a body of Russian skirmishers lying down within a thousand yards of us, but their attention was evidently turned on something to our left. We then went back to the guard, which was a little in the rear supporting the working party in the battery and found that these Russian skirmishers had been seen by their outlying sentries and in addition a column of infantry, and that a message had been sent in to the camp, and the troops were all placed under arms in front of their respective encampments. Presently  Colonel of the guard came up and then Sir Colin Campbell, and then an aide-de-camp from Sir G. Browne, to know what was going on.

By this time we could see that large bodies of French and Russians were out on the left, and in Sir Colin’s opinion the Russians were making a reconnaissance. I suppose some of our troops must have been seen by the Russians, for a fire of shot and shell just then commenced in our direction, and at the same time a good deal of firing took place on the French, but no musketry was interchanged, and I believe nothing more occurred. We were obliged to come away to save our daylight in. The Russians must have fired by this time upwards of five hundred shot or shell, and the result has been two men killed!

Tuesday October 11th 1854 - Balaklava

Moore explained to us at dinner yesterday why so few are killed. His explanation is that a man may be considered as exposing a surface of eight square feet, and that when standing at a distance even of six feet from a shell about to burst into (we will say ten pieces) the chances of being struck are as eight to one-tenth of the surface of a sphere (in square feet) of six feet radius, which comes to about seven to one in favour of escaping – a most consolatory piece of mathematics. 

We began in earnest upon our entrenchments yesterday, two thousand men were at work all night, and I understand great progress has been made. The French position is better than ours, their battery will be within nine hundred yards of the Russians, ours one thousand two hundred. We are obliged to put our guns on the crests of hills, as there is no intention of making the zig-zag approaches which are made against a regular fortress; this difference of distance therefore only means that the nearest hill at our end happens to be one thousand two hundred yards from the enemy, whilst that at the French end is nine hundred. It is a very suitable arrangement for us, as our guns are considerably heavier than theirs.

We have various reports relative to the danger of Balaklava; one that the Greeks intend to set fire to the town and burn all our stores. This has been met by ordering all the male inhabitants to quit, which may sound harsh to your ears, but you must remember the great interests which are at stake, and that we are bound to take every possible precaution. Another report is that the Russians intend to attack us here by way of a diversion from Sabastopol; that will be met by some very pretty little batteries we are throwing up and by three thousand Turks and one thousand marines.

Thursday October 13th 1854 - Balaklava

I paid another visit to the camp yesterday; the distance is a good seven miles, and the road itself is very interesting. It is covered with conveyances of all sorts – Crimean bullock or camel waggons, Turkish bullock waggons brought from Varna, Maltese mule carts from Malta, all with provisions, etc., and artillery waggons with shot, shell, or fascines and gabions; then comes an occasional aide-de-camp at a gallop, or an infantry officer, dusty and weary-looking, returning from Balaklava laden with whatever he has been able to buy – some preserved meats or a bottle of candles! He looks quite triumphant as he passes you with his prize. You can have no idea of the appearance of a campaigning soldier if you have only seen them in St. James’s Park or in a garrison ball-room. They live in their full dress coats, and the consequence is the scarlet has turned to port wine colour; the coat is generally full of holes, and the individual wears no shirt. The change of life to them must be very great, and some of them feel it a good deal. It is supposed now that we shall open fire with about one hundred guns on the 15th. Time flies, and I should like to see a beginning. 

The weather is still fine but we had two very cold days a week ago. We are all well and have no more cholera. You should send us reinforcements, if you have any. Our position is very strong, but no doubt we shall soon be considerably outnumbered. 

Letter No.15.

Finished, Katcha River, Wednesday October 18th, 1854.

Monday 16th October 1854 - Katcha River, Balaklava

“The batteries will open tomorrow” has so long been the “latest news from the camp” that we begin to doubt if they will ever open at all. But there does seem really to be some chance of it now, for the “Agamemnon” left Balaklava for the fleet yesterday,  leaving word for us all to follow. I did not leave until this morning as I was coaling, which is rather satisfactory, for when quite full of coals the engine and boilers are very well protected from shot.

On arriving I called on Admiral Dundas, and found that at a consultation of the allied Admirals it had been determined that a sea attack should be made on the batteries. But as a man-of-war only carries eighty rounds of shot for each gun, or a hundred and sixty for one broadside, and as a portion has been landed with the fifty naval guns, they only muster on average about a hundred and forty rounds each, which would or could all be fired away in a day. So that the particular day on which the fleet is to be brought into play remains to be determined on by the Generals. The day of assault will probably be the day.

I brought with me as passenger the surgeon of the flag-ship, who has for the last fortnight been attached to the naval brigade. He gives a bad account of the sanitary state of the army, and still worse of the want of organisation of the Army Medical Staff , this and the commissariat are still loudly complained of. I know one glaring instance myself. There is, at Balaklava, a transport appropriated for the reception of sick officers, but instead of appointing a regular doctor to her they have made some arrangement that he doctor of the regiment on guard or of some shifting body shall visit the ship once a day (or it may be more often); it is proverbial that doctors differ, and the consequence of this arrangement is that a sick man may each day be treated in a different manner, for no record of the case and its treatment is ever left.

Tuesday October 17th 1854 - Balaklava

Last night at 9 o’clock a letter from Lord Raglan to the Admiral arrived, requesting that the fleets should commence their work today. Conferences between the allied Admirals took place, and this morning all the Captains assembled on board the Flagship for discussion and agreement as to the plan to be pursued. We were told that when the Admirals had first agreed to offer the services of the fleets to the Generals it was arranged ( and the document signed by them all was shown us)  that the French should attack the batteries on the south side of the harbour and the English those on the north, and that a line drawn right down Sebastopol harbour should separate the two fleets.

Our plan, therefore, was to put our steamers on the starboard side of the line of battle ships, and to tow down the north shore and anchor in our stations. But, according to Admiral Dundas’s statement, Admiral Hamelin had just been on board and proposed that he, Admiral Dundas, should sweep round to the southward, and then bring his ships up in succession, forming on the French van, and thus continuing the line as far on as it might reach, and Admiral Dundas foolishly agreed to this, giving us to understand that if he had not consented the French would have refused to engage the batteries at all. All the Captains said, “You agreed to leave the south side to the French, and not to anchor south of a certain line; surely you may bring your own ships into action in the way you think best.” 

It was ultimately settled that “Agamemnon,” “Sanspareil,” and “London” (to which ship the “Niger” was lashed on the off-shore side) should go down according to the original plan; that the “Albion” should pay special attention to the Wasp Fort; and the remainder of the ships should follow the French plan. This separation of our ships, and a general order issued by Admiral Dundas, to the effect that every one was to do as he pleased, caused our ships to be placed in a very irregular manner. However, our three got into action at half-past one, or so, and the “Albion” shortly afterwards; but those which swept round did not come into play until very late.

Our fire was directed at Fort Constantine, and was continued about an hour-and–a-half very well and steadily. By that time the “Albion” had been set on fire and so knocked about by the Wasp Fort and some neighbouring guns that she was obliged to leave it, and the Wasp then began to sting us, so that Captain Eden directed me to steam on, and took his ship out of fire. We were shortly afterwards recalled by the “Agamemnon,” but by the time we got back “Bellerophon” and “Queen” had taken our place, and there was such a crowd of ships and so much smoke that we could only get an occasional shot.

Finding that I could only use the “Niger’s” long pivot gun, and that the “London” having landed two hundred men with the naval brigade, could not work all her guns, I offered Captain Eden the rest of my ship’s company, and Dunn went with them and worked the “London’s” upper deck guns. This was rather a good coup for him; as I find now, what I did not know then, that the “London’s” senior lieutenants being with the naval brigade on shore, Dunn was actually the senior on board in the action; which may, I hope, help him to his promotion. The squadron returned to this anchorage after sunset, but the “Rodney” grounded whilst still under fire, and was with difficulty towed off by the “Spiteful” and “Lynx” without much loss. 

In spite of Mr. Oliphant’s predictions, I could only make out that we had destroyed two of the Fort Constantine’s embrasures. The whole face of it as speckled with shot marks, and, taking the proportion of space covered by an embrasure, I should say four or five shells must have gone into each, and if so they must have lost a large number of men.

I spent most of my time on the “London’s” poop. I have lost one killed and four slightly wounded; a few ropes were shot through, and two shot struck the hull, in spite of our huge protector. The “London” has four killed and eighteen wounded. The laurels of the day are decidedly due to the “Agamemnon,” “Sanspareil,” and “Albion.” The “Retribution’s” mainmast is shot away. We still hear the shore batteries at work, but I don’t know how they are getting on. Our three ships were about one thousand six hundred yards from Fort Constantine, the other English I should say a good two thousand; the French still further – much too far to hurt stone walls.
P.S. – I suppose we shall renew the attack on the day of the assault.

Letter No.l6.

Finished, October 23rd, 1854

Katcha River.

Friday 20th October 1854
I sent off Letter No.15 on the morning after the naval attack. I find the total loss is forty-five killed and two hundred and sixty-three wounded, but it must be remembered that “the wounded” included almost every scratch, so that there are not probably more than a hundred hospital cases amongst the two hundred and sixty-three.

Some of the ships were a good deal damaged, the “Albion,” “Arethusa,” and “Sanspareil” especially; and the “Agamemnon” has almost all her spars damaged. I believe I mentioned the “Albion” as one of the ships deserving of special notice, but I find it was quite mistaken. It is true that she was brought into action very well, towed by the “Firebrand,” Captain Stewart * [Now Admiral Sir Wm Houston Stewart, G.C.B.] and that she suffered the heaviest loss; but I find on an alarm of fire a large portion of the crew rushed on board the “Firebrand,” instead of trying their utmost to put the fire out, and that they in fact fired very little at the enemy but closed the magazines and left off firing the moment the alarm was given. It must, however, be remembered that her Captain and the best of the lieutenants were with the naval brigade, and it seems that the want of officers was very much felt.

We hear better news from the entrenchments today. It is said they are gradually subduing the Russian fire, and that our attack, whether it damaged the Russians or no, did at all events raise the spirits of our friends in the camp; and I believe moral effect is in warlike operations of quite as much consequence as physical effect. 

They say that the Lancaster gun which was to have done such wonders is all humbug. You may perhaps be aware that it was always known that it shot like an Irish gun, round a corner, and that in the range table supplied with it you are told that at one thousand yards distance you must point so many yards to the left; at two thousand yards so many more, etc., etc. but it turns out that you never can make sure which corner it is going to turn, and if you point carefully fifty yards to the left  it is an even bet that it will strike fifty yards to the right of the object aimed at, and that in fact it is most uncertain. This may be an error in the details of the manufacture, and may be corrected by greater experience, and more perfect machinery, but for the present the guns seem to be useless.

We are quite idle today, but heavy firing is going on in the trenches about six miles from us, and watching with a large glass is every one’s occupation. They set fire to a large building near the dockyard this afternoon, but it was unfortunately a dead calm and the fire did not spread.

Our look out steamer reports that Fort Constantine is being propped up with wooden beams, which looks as if we had seriously damaged it, and the Russians are lining the whole edge of the north cliff with guns, which will make a second naval attack impossible unless we land the previous night and spike those guns. It was the few guns that were there on the 17th which so quickly silenced the “Albion’ and “Arethusa,” and which, when they were out of the way, induced the “London” to make a prudent retreat, as also the “Bellerophon” and “Queen,” which subsequently took up that position for a short time. 

Sunday 22nd October 1854

Varying accounts from the camp. I saw the only two letters which reached Admiral Dundas yesterday; one was from Captain Lushington, who commands the naval brigade, and the other from Captain Tatham, who is stationed at Balaklava, and who had just come down from the lines. The former wrote in a most dismal, down-hearted strain, the latter in quite a cheerful one; so it is difficult to form any judgement. I hear the French are all quarrelling.

The army and navy are anything but united services, and the Engineers and Artillerymen are each abusing the other; the entente cordiale does not, however, suffer, but goes on harmoniously.

Sir Edmund Lyons returned yesterday evening from a conference, and reports that a Russian sorties was made the night before last and succeeded in spiking three French mortars, but they were then repulsed and some prisoners taken, one of whom a not unwilling one. A Captain reports his side to have lost five thousand men since the batteries open their fire; that the garrison are rather in a bad way and getting a little insubordinate; and the Admiral Korniloff (whose luggage I captured of Odessa) and Nachimoff, the “Sinope” hero, are killed.

We have nothing but the ordinary duties of the ship to do, and for a wonder had a quiet Sunday today. It was very warm, and so I had service on the upper deck, and was much struck by the extraordinary contrast of our offering up prayers to the ‘Author of peace and lover of concord,” whilst the booming of guns whose shot were dealing death and destruction was loud in our ears. The firing is continuous from six in the morning until six in the evening. At night we hear a gun at about every ten minutes – I suppose a shell thrown from a mortar to prevent the Russians sleeping too soundly. The riflemen are doing good service a la Bomarsand; finding cover for themselves somewhere between the rival batteries, and firing at the embrasures directly a gun has been fired, so as to prevent its being reloaded. 

Monday 23rd October 1854

I was this morning suddenly ordered on a court of inquiry, and am now as suddenly ordered to go to Balaklava, with recruits for the naval brigade. I return tomorrow. No news from the camp today

Letter No.17

Finished, No.4 Battery

Balaklava lines, November 3rd 1854

Direct nevertheless H.M.S. “Niger.” 

Friday 27th October 1854

Here I am, writing under a tent, having turned solider for a time; but I had better keep my narrative continuous, and go back to my last date, October 24th. When I was sent to Balaklava with a reinforcement of two hundred seamen for the naval brigade, I took advantage of the opportunity to ride out to the lines.

To all appearance matters may go on as at present for a long time; the Russian earthworks are certainly a good deal knocked about, but there are still embrasures, and there are still guns, and I am told that if a gun is dismounted today it will be replaced in the night. We have but one advantage over the besieged, which is that all our shot which miss the earthwork go into the town, whereas theirs bound harmlessly away, as our encampment is purposely kept out of gunshot. Our force is not strong enough for completely investing the place, and so they are probably as well supplied as, or better than, we are, excepting in such articles as are brought from seaward.

I returned to the fleet carrying with me a requisition for ammunition, which I took back on the 25th, and on arriving I found that we had met our first reverse. On that morning, at daylight, a large body of Russians had shown themselves opposite a hill in front of the Balaklava position, on which hill we had built some strong redoubts, armed them with heavy guns, and garrisoned them with Turks. These gentlemen did not stand the Russian attack upon the right battery five minutes, but ran away as hard as they could; on seeing which those in the other batteries did not even wait to be attacked, but ran like mad also, leaving altogether seven guns in the Russian hands.

About six hundred cavalry then charged the front of our position, and were received and turned in their advance by the 93rd Highlanders inline; our heavy cavalry then charged and completely routed the Russians. So far the Turks had lost our guns, but as far as the English were concerned all had gone well. By this time, however, Lord Raglan had come down and sent an order by Captain Nolan (whose name you may know as having written a book about horses) to Lord Lucan to attack the enemy. Both Lord Lucan and Lord Cardigan said it was madness, but the cavalry have been a good deal taunted with not having yet done anything, and Captain Nolan appears to have delivered his message in a taunting manner, and on went the Light Brigade between two fires from guns and masses of infantry besides.

They made a splendid charge, killed the Russian gunners at their guns, but lost half their number – something like three hundred are said to have been killed or wounded. A French General looking on with Lord Raglan’s staff from the edge of the plateau exclaimed: “C’est magnifique, mais ce n’est pas le guerre.” The only consolation we have is that, although it is a victory for the Russians, they must have gained with it as wholesome a fear of our cavalry as they gained of our infantry at Alma.

Inspirited, I suppose, by this success, they made a sortie from Sebastopol against Sir de Lacy Evans’s division on the 25th and were completely licked; our loss was seven killed and seventy-one wounded, the Russians about five hundred.

Friday 3rd November 1854

The Russian loss in their sortie is now said to have been one thousand. After the cavalry business it was, I believe, decided to give up Balaclava and contract our front. “Sanspareil,” “Tribune,” “Sphinx,” “Niger,” and “Vesuvius” were sent off to help in reimbarking everything, but at, I believe, Sir E. Lyons’s urgent remonstrance the plan was abandoned, and the resolution taken to strengthen and hold the position.

Instead therefore of helping to load merchant ships we landed a number of marines and seamen. I took command of the former and Powell of the latter; my station being in a battery, with Sir Colin Campbell, in the centre of the valley. Our position is by no means pleasant. We see the Russian army two miles from us, its advanced post is only two thousand six hundred yards off, it is estimated at from twenty to thirty thousand men, whereas we have but three thousand English and two thousand Turks; with, however, four thousand French a mile in our rear, who will come to our aid if attacked. We have entrenched ourselves, and are safe if the Turks stand like good men and true, and if the Russians do not attack at night, when the military opinion is that their numbers would give them much greater advantage than by day.

I have great confidence in Sir Colin Campbell, he has passed his life in the field and is one of our best practical soldiers, and is as cool as can be when an alarm is given, but yet never neglects the slightest precautions nor relaxes the strictest personal vigilance. I have joined his mess. One of his Staff is Colonel Stirling, who knows Douglas [Heath] a little, being a brother of the “Stirling Club” Stirling; another, another, a very nice fellow, a son of Sir L. Shadwell; and a young one named Mansfield.

Monday 30th October 1854

we have now made our entrenchments so good that we fell quite safe by day. Night alarms are frequent and harassing, but one only has proved to have been a real enemy, on which occasion a small body of horse, being challenged by our outside sentry, fired a volley and galloped off. We all sleep in our clothes, and indeed one half of the force sleeps in the trenches, and from the sentry’s alarm cry of “Turn out,” “Turn out,” “Stand to your arms,” not many seconds elapse before everyone is on his legs running to his station.

Tuesday 31st  October  1854

We were disturbed as usual last night and kept up in the cold from eleven to one; it was not, however, this time an alarm on our side, but on that of the Russians, they suddenly commenced firing both great guns and musketry and kept at it for an hour. We cannot understand it; for one can hardly suppose them to go on so long firing at nobody, without discovering it – particularly as there was good moonshine all the time.

Shortly after daylight this morning five Cossacks came prowling about between the two lines, apparently looking for the killed and wounded enemy! The best of the joke is that General Bosquet, who is near the Russians, had intended when the moon went down to give them an “Alerte” by sending in one company to fire, and run away. He must, however, have forgotten that unless he sends us previous warning an alerte for the Russians is also an alerte for us, and that we should be quite as much harassed by his amusements as the enemy.

Friday 3rd November 1854

The two last nights have been passed in peace and quietness, and our ditches are now so deep that we feel quite safe. The Russians came yesterday and made a strong reconnaissance of our extreme right, but after exchanging a few shot retired. My own opinion is (and I hear it is also that of the French Generals) that their position here is not taken up so much with a view to offensive operations against us, as to secure the safe retreat of what remains of the Sebastopol garrison, when the place is taken; which no one doubts it will be sooner or later.

The French have now a heavy battery at work close up to the Russians, and two or three day more will probably see the town entered; but it does not follow then that the north side, nor even that the dockyard, will fall. The French are anxious to have the first attack left to their management, for the streets are all barricaded, and they say, “they are more used to that sort of thing than we are.” They intend to take the end houses, and work their way slowly and surely through the partitioned walls, thus taking the barricades in flank and working round them.

We should get on much faster with thirty thousand more men. We can now neither invest Sebastopol, nor keep off the army, which is now literally besieging the besiegers. The first thing to do after securing the town will be to turn out and like our neighbour, General Liprandi; then make as much hay as we can in the dockyard, etc., during the little sunshine that remains, and then make ourselves as warm as we can for the winter. This is as much as can reasonably be expected, unless stories told by deserters of distress and insubordination in the garrison should prove to have more truth in them than stories usually have. 

Letter No.18

Finished at No.4 Battery,Balaklava

November 8th, 1854.

Sunday 5th November 1854 - Balaklava 

This is the beginning of what we all expect to be a very critical week. A few days ago a soldier deserted to the enemy, and it is supposed gave information as to the hour at which the parties working in our trenches and batteries were relieved; the consequence was that at that hour a tremendous fire opened from all the Russian batteries, which has been continued on every successive morning since, although we, of course, changed our hour on the second day.

This morning we heard the usual cannonade at about the same hour, and attributed it to the same cause; but at broad daylight about 7 a.m. we saw masses of Russian infantry moving along, and as we at first thought threatening our front. It has, however, since turned out that from (so far as I as yet know) the negligence of our people on the right flank of the besieging army, the Russians succeeded in surprising our troops stationed at that part, and there has been fought during the day a most desperate battle, in which we ultimately remain the victors, but at a fearful cost of life on both sides.

We depend for our information upon straggling visitors, messengers, etc., from camp, and it is hardly worth while filling my paper with reports – which may tomorrow be all contradicted – when I know you will receive with my letter many others from “Our Own Correspondents,” besides the official reports. Peel came down to Balaklava in the evening – very hoarse – he said he had spent the day “cheering on Her Majesty’s Guards.”

The troops we saw must have amounted to something like twenty thousand; they made a slight cannonading attack on the lines in rear of the Sebastopol army, but soon withdrew, and we go to bed with the pleasant anticipation of a probable attack upon our end of the line tomorrow morning. It is said that Osten Sacken has arrived from Odessa, and that they were his troops which had the fight this morning.

“Why have we no reinforcements?” is at the present the question in every one’s mouth. Canrobert said to Sir Colin Campbell the other day, “Nous avons pris Balaklava trop facilement, et on pensait que ce serait le meme chose avec Sebastopol, mais on se trompe.” We hear he intends working his way very slowly and surely into Sebastopol, and if there were no relieving army outside it would no doubt be well to do so, but matters are now changed, and I think a little extra risk should be incurred for the sake of a few days gain in time. I suppose, as it is quite agreed that the French end of Sebastopol is the right one to assault, we shall leave all the arrangements to him.

Tuesday 7th November 1854 - Balaklava

These are the days for strong contrasts. Yesterday I walked over the field of battle and meditated on the horrors (as such a sight may well be called) of war; today I am revelling in the delight of Malta letters announcing my “boys” birth [Arthur Raymond Heath] and my wife’s well doing. My son shows decided symptoms of intelligence (this is only for the mothers amongst you). Admiral Stewart and Commander Chamberlain called upon him, and he fixed his eyes on the former and took no notice whatever of the latter! As to his personal appearance I hear he is “a splendid little fellow,” but doubtless your own experiences must have taught you that they are always that.

To turn now to affairs of more public interest, I rode yesterday to the camp, and walked over to the battlefield, and talked and had descriptions of the events of the 5th from several of the actors in it. The morning was peculiarly misty and dull, and there is, I fancy, but little doubt that we were more or less surprised, although General Penefather and his Staff (he commands in that quarter) stoutly deny it. The Russians have a more numerous and a heavier artillery than ours, and they had about thirty-five guns in position, and commenced a cannonade from them, simultaneously with the assault by solid masses of infantry up the sides of the hill at A and B.[Map page 101] – Inkerman.

As fast as one column was driven back, a fresh one rushed up, but only to meet its predecessor’s fate; and so the battle went on, a succession of thick massy columns, covered by an enormous artillery fire, rushing up, met by lines of infantry and invariably repulsed. The French sent fifteen thousand men to our assistance, but for them we must have been overpowered by numbers. Sir G. Cathcart, an impetuous chivalric soldier, led his division too far in advance, and paid the penalty in his own death;

General Strangways, of the Artillery, was killed; Generals Bentinck, Adams, Buller and Goldie wounded – the last has since died. The battle lasted from seven in the morning until three in the afternoon, when the Russians returned in good order to Sebastopol. I am told the official returns will show four hundred and forty killed and one thousand seven hundred wounded on our side; on the Russian it must be enormously greater. I went over the most hotly contested portion of the ground, where, although the wounded had been brought in, none of our dead had yet been buried, and I speak within bounds in saying there were fifteen dead Russians to one Englishman; but then many Russians whom I saw dead would probably, had they been English, have been brought in wounded the previous evening.

The Russians come on with loud yells and shouts; it is said they were all more or less drunk, and that most of their water bottles had spirits in them. It is said also that they killed our wounded, as they lay helpless on the ground, whenever the ebb and flow of the battle left them the opportunity. 

Whilst al this was going on, on the right front, we at Balaklava were alarmed by seeing fifteen or twenty thousand infantry come over the heights at G, apparently to attack us, but they were merely making some change in their front, and went over again out of our sight and made a false attack on the French at O – I see I have mentioned this in the beginning of my letter.

In the course of the day a heavy sortie was made against the French lining the rampart of their battery with infantry, awaiting the assaulting columns until they arrived within 50 yards, then opening such a fire that it drove the enemy helter skelter back, the French following almost into the town. Like ourselves, they lost a number of men, but with a far grater loss to the foe,

General Canrobert considers twenty thousand Russians were put hors de combat during the day. If so, the presence of two Grand Dukes, Constantine and Nicholas, who arrived with Osten Sacken, has merely urged their troops on to destruction. It is said that Canrobert held up his hands in astonishment on hearing that we had left so important and so exposed a position as A B totally unprotected by fortifications; now that the horse has been stolen we are shutting the stable door but Lord Raglan seems most apathetic on such points.

We have been here now six weeks, and the Russians might easily have destroyed our stores and transports in Balaklava any time during the first month; the lines are now strong, but the thanks are due to Sir E. Lyons’ strong remonstrance’s and Sir Colin Campbell’s energy, rather than to my Lord’s prevision. I suppose forty years at a desk, examining little petty details, must be a bad school for a Commander of a large army, who should look at things en grand.

Whether reinforcements have been asked for with proper urgency I don’t know, but we certainly want them much. The siege goes on but slowly, and may last an indefinite time, whilst we are now ourselves besieged. The valley of the Chernaya is lined with Russian troops, and there is little doubt that the enemy is superior in numbers to us, which is a state of affairs that ought not to leave us ultimately masters.

However, I have the greatest confidence in our pluck and endurance, and I suppose we shall go on through the winter as at present – gradually advancing, occasionally repulsing assaults – and that in due course of time we shall get reinforcements, lick the outside army, and get into the place. My private opinion is that Balaklava will not be attacked, the whole Russian energies must be expended in raising the siege. Balaklava is merely an outpost, and its capture, although it would greatly inconvenience us, would not have any effect of that sort.

Wednesday 8th November 1854 - Balaklava

Weather still fine. No news from the front. The “Prince” just arrived with the 46th Regiment, and detachments for others, making two thousand men altogether. 

“Sanspareil” Balaklava

November 10th, 1854

My Dear Heath,

I am quite knocked up and unable to leave the ship. You must please to come here and look to the port duties, for I am quite unequal to it, and shall be for a day or two. I have cot slung and everything ready for you on board “Sanspareil.” Bring a tooth brush, and I will not ask you to use a razor.

Yours sincerely

S.L. Dacres.

Letter No.19

H.M.S. “Sanspareil.”Balaklava,

Saturday 18th November 1854.

A very handsome birthday present have I just received from Admiral Dundas in the shape of a commission as acting Captain of the “Sanspareil,” whose late Captain (Dacres) has invalided.

Knowing he intended to go I had been privately speculating on the changes that would probably take place, and thought it possible that I might perhaps come in for the “Samson,” or “Furious,” or “Retribution,” but that on the other hand the Admiral might consider that such an appointment would certainly not be confirmed and that it was not worth his while to offer, or anyone’s to accept it, so you may guess how agreeably I was surprised at receiving so grand an appointment. I suppose there can be but little doubt as to my being confirmed to the rank, although unless ordered home I am not likely to keep the ship.

Hore is my successor in the “Niger.” I am glad that so good a fellow is appointed, as I should not have liked my shipmates of four years and a half to get into bad hands. His vessel, the “Beagle,” is given to Lieutenant Hewitt, who has very much distinguished himself in command of a Lancaster gun in the trenches; so we flatter ourselves that Admiral Dundas deserves great credit for making such good appointments, instead of merely looking out for his private friends.

I have no journal letter ready, there has been no fighting with muskets and bayonets of any consequence since I last wrote, but a most dreadful one with the winds and waves, and a sad loss both of life and property. We lost eight transports here, thirteen at Katcha, and an unknown but large number at Eupatoria. All the English men-of-war are safe, but the French have lost one line of battle ship and one steamer, and the Turks a line of battle ship.

Our greatest loss is in the “Prince” steamer, which had an immense quantity of warm clothing on board for the troops, and in the transport “Resolute” with small arm ammunition. The letter-bag is suddenly ordered to be close