Michael D.Heath-Caldwell M.Arch.

Part 2

Letter No.8

H.M.S. “Niger,”

Off the Danube,

August 27^th, 1854

In these cholera days I shall lose no opportunity of writing, although on looking at the place I write from you will hardly expect news. We have not a symptom of the malady on board, and it seems to have left our colleague, the “Vesuvius,” for they have been a full week without fresh cases. The climate is very pleasant, thermometer varying from 65 to 75 degrees, and there is scarcely a day passes without some event to enliven the monotony of mere blockading. Yesterday we sent a boat six miles off to a fisherman’s boat which, with one man in it, had drifted out to sea. The current was too strong for him to pull to the ship, and the officer of the watch fortunately had his glass on him when, having resigned himself to his fate, he left off pulling and began making those protestations and gesticulations with which Easterns accompany their prayers. Had he not prayed, the officer of the watch would have supposed him to be fishing.

The embarkation has begun at Varna; I cannot help thinking it much too late in the season for Sebastopol, and that Odessa is its real destination, with perhaps an excursion thence to Nicolaev. However, all the world talks of the Crimea. Tatham, the only Commander in command senior to me has just got a death vacancy from the Admiral, which is a good thing for me. Cholera by the last accounts has almost died away in the fleet, but they must have lost upwards of four hundred men.

Letter No.9.

Finished off the Danube,

Expeditionary Fleets in sight,

September 8^th, 1854.

My last was sent off by the “Sidon,” August 19^th, when I was left with the “Vesuvius” to carry out the blockade of the Danube. On the evening of the 21^st we boarded a Tuscan brig from Odessa, bound to Constantinople with the ordinary cargo of linseed and wool and an extraordinary one of rope and sail canvas piled up on her decks; no doubt all Russian property, but according to the Order in Council such property, once on board a neutral ship cannot be touched. I should like to know what arguments can be brought to show the propriety of this arrangement. I can understand that it may be expedient to endeavour to win neutrals to our side by granting them this boon, but the practical effect must, it seems to me, be that unless we establish a blockade the whole world except England – enemy and all – may trade and make money and pay custom house duties at any Russian port. The only merchants who suffer loss are the English, and we prohibit them from doing that which we allow the enemy to do.

The cholera still hangs about the “Vesuvius,” and as she has been off and on this blockade for the last two months her crew have been fed a good deal on salt meat and want a change, so on the 22^nd August I anchored at the St. George’s mouth and landing with three boats opened a communication with some natives who promised to sell us bullocks the next day. The 23^rd it was too stormy to land, but on the 24^th the boats went in; the natives, however, had then changed their mind, and said they were afraid of the Russians, and we came away unsuccessful. In the evening we communicated with “Terrible,” “Fury,” and “Retribution,” the two former on their return from a reconnaissance of Sebastopol, the latter on her way to Odessa to exchange a few more men for “Tiger’s.” they report the Russians working hard at the land defences of Sebastopol. They brought us some letters and the news of Tatham’s promotion, vice Captain Smith of the “Simoon,” dead of cholera. The cholera seems to have nearly ceased both with the fleet and army, the fleet having lost somewhere about four hundred men. Tatham’s promotion leaves me the senior Commander in command on the station.

On the 26^th we picked up a Russian fisherman twelve or fourteen miles off the land, without any paddles or anything to eat. Dunn came to me in the morning at daylight to report this boat in sight, and made one or two successive reports about her, all tending to show that the poor fellow was adrift and not merely fishing, and I directed a boat to be sent after him, for the last report was – “He has given up pulling, and I can just make out that he is bowing and crossing himself and kowtowing.” It was not until a day or two afterwards that his real story came out; it was that he was drunk the previous evening and had launched his canoe to come off to the ships, and soon drifted out with the current, having only a bit of plank to paddle with. Out of gratitude for being rescued he showed us where there was a herd of bullocks, and on the 28^th we landed with all the force of the two ships and drove them down to the beach. The owner wisely followed them, and we paid him his own price and sent him back from the ships well contented with his bargain, and promising to make a market for us the next time we went to his neighbourhood. Catching the bullocks was great fun. We kept a large semicircle with fixed bayonets inclosing the herd down on the beach whilst the sailors selected their beasts, seized them first by the tail, as the most apparent handle, and then by the legs, and flinging them down on the sand tied their legs together; they were then secured by a long rope round the horns, and the legs being untied, were hauled off to the attendant boats.

August 30^th. – “Firebrand” arrived and took the “Vesuvius” back to the Admiral. The preparations for the Crimea are being pushed on, and the Admiral writes word that he shall sail in about a week, but that he cannot take me away from this station. To have been neatly put out of the way at Odessa for his own Commander’s sake was perhaps fair enough, but it seems hard that I should be passed over a second time. He, of course, wants every vessel with paddle box boats for landing troops, but he must also want every vessel with steam power for towing them across, and I think the “Diamond” might safely be left here whilst the fleet is at Sebastopol to prevent anything coming out.

September 8^th. – The first The first division of the grandest and mightiest expedition ever yet undertaken, not excepting those of the Spanish Armada, hove in sight this morning – it consists of twenty-seven French and Turkish men-of-war, all brimful of troops. The remainder of the expedition has sufficient steam power to be independent of wind, this portion was therefore sent on to a rendezvous off Fidonisi Island. The “Spitfire” also came this morning with the welcome news that I was to join the Admiral. I fancy I owe it to Sir Edmund Lyons, who told the Admiral that there should on such occasion be no “specialities,” that all special services should merge in this grand undertaking. There are actually embarked twenty-eight thousand French, and twenty-eight thousand English; a second trip will be made for some of the cavalry which have been left behind. Eupatoria is the spot chosen for landing. It seems a long way from Sebastopol but I suppose the object is to land the troops without opposition, they can then proceed in order of battle to hinder opposition being made to landing the siege train and heavy stores nearer the scene of operations.

The weather is at present very favourable, and although the general opinion is that it is very late in the season, it may turn out that we escape the autumnal fever of the Crimea which is more formidable than even Varna cholera. Captain Spratt, of the “Spitfire,” brings us the first news of Bomarsand being taken, and says, “It has given spirit to all our people, some of whom were inclined to think that it was true that the Russians had one hundred and eighty thousand men in the Crimea, and that it was therefore folly to attack them with fifty-six thousand.” I shall take this on board the flagship and leave iit for the first opportunity; no doubt I shall then find some of yours. Mary writes word of huge box of strawberry jam that has arrived. Many thanks, I shall be well off in that line; wife supplied apricot and mulberry, and sister, strawberry jam.

Letter No. 9 – continued.

At Sea, with Expeditionary Force bound for Crimea.

September 9^th, 1854.

A journal letter will now be of some interest, one day will probably feed it better than one month has hitherto done. On the 7^th I had anchored at the southern mouth of the Danube to buy stock, and whilst the boat was on shore saw a fleet to seaward. I recalled the boat, of course, and stood out and found the fleet to consist only of French and Turkish men-of-war, full of troops, but without steamers. I went on board the flagship and heard that having few steamers they thought it better to start as soon as they were ready, leaving the transports with provisions, etc., to follow. The wind was then from the southward, and the French were but fifteen miles south of the Island of Fidonisi, which was the first rendezvous. Admiral Hamelin received news from a small steamer (whilst I was on board) that Admiral Dundas would leave that morning, and said to me, “I shall anchor under Fidonisi Island, or perhaps heave to – what do you think?” I replied, “How do the Turks manage their vessels? If they are not likely to run foul of you, when hove to, I should think you would save time by doing so.” Accordingly the fleet was hove to, but during the night the wind veered gradually round, and instead of drifting fifteen miles to the northward, as might fairly have been expected, they drifted fifteen miles to the southward, and when on the 8^th the English fleet hove in sight there they were thirty miles to leeward of the rendezvous. I don’t think my advice was wrong, for it was given when the wind was south, and when it changed to north the fleet should have made sail.

I think I have before told you that Admirals Dundas and Hamelin are said to be much against this expedition, and so are two-thirds of the big-wigs, both soldiers and sailors. Admiral Bruat (French), Lord Raglan, and Admiral Lyons are the only energetic promoters of it. The consequences of this lukewarmness, or backwardness, is that each of the two Admirals, having urgent orders to prosecute the business and yet strong private personal opinions against it, would be glad to put the blame of any delay at the door of the other, and it seems the English blame the French for this thirty miles loss. No doubt the French have not steamers enough, and are much to be blamed on that account, because three weeks ago they sent for the English Admirals and produced a written agreement, or convention, relative to the method in which this expedition as far as the navies are concerned was to be carried out. In that agreement it was expressly stipulated that every vessel should be towed, and they have failed to carry out that part of the plan.

September 13^th. – Six days since the English left Baljik. Here we are at Eupatoria, and I suppose tomorrow the troops, fifty-six thousand strong, with a hundred and fifty field pieces, will disembark. I have had Admiral Lyons on board here for six or seven hours, and he did not hesitate at telling me of all the divisions at the council table; they certainly don’t seem at all unanimous, and it is a great pity Admiral Dundas does not go to England and leave Sir Edmund Lyons the Commander-in-chief. We are at this moment anchored three or four miles from the point of disembarkation, and no one but Admiral Dundas can say why we are not in our proper position for landing, since there are still two hours daylight before us now whilst I am writing. The sight of the fleet as sea is very inspiriting. They sail (I speak of the English alone) in seven lines, every vessel being towed by a steamer, or to speak more correctly, every two or three vessels, according to their size, being towed by one steamer. The mass is very imposing. I heard one of the Engineers say the other day that the smoke was for all the world like Staffordshire. Almost all the evidence we have tends to show that forty-five thousand men is the force of the Russians in the Crimea, but it is said that forty thousand more have left Odessa to reinforce them.

There is a hail from the “Agamemnon” to close letter bag, and I must say good-bye to you all for the present. Sir Edmund Lyons has the disembarkation under his orders. Commander Powell commands one-half of the beach, Commander Heath the other; the whole being under Captain Dacres. We don’t expect any opposition, the points chosen being, as you will see in the map, a few miles South of Eupatoria, backed by a lake, so that you have but to secure the flanks and your landing goes on unimpeded.

Statement of Troops, etc., landed at Old Fort between the 14^th and 18^th September, 1854.

Light Division, rank and file –            5,454

First                                                     4,711

Second                                                            4,222

Third                                                   3,794

Fourth                                                 4,367

Artillery                                               2,500

Engineers                                               379

Cavalry                                                1,190

Officers and Sergeants.                      2,000

Field Guns.                                         54

Total Horses, including those for baggage and spare ammunition. 4,000

Plan – page 53

These Vessels are not numbered amongst the Vessels distinguished by their shading, having on board only Commissariat Stores.

10 Line of Battle Ships and about 22 Man of War Steamers besides.

Order of Anchoring

Beach

“Shark” “Varna” “Circassia” “Danube” “Brenda” “Minna” “Pigmy”

Columns to be two Cables and Ships one Cable apart.

Light Division

1^st Division

2^nd Division

3^rd Division

4^th Division

Cavalry

The order of sailing the same as above with the exception of the distances. In the line of sailing the distance is to be four Cables and the Columns are to be four Cables apart.

Letter No.10

Finished off the River Alma

September 22^nd 1854.

I have been to busy lately to write my journal up daily, but on the other hand events are of so exciting a nature that they are tolerably well impressed on one’s memory. I told you – although not in a journal letter – of our anchoring at Eupatoria on the 13^th September, much to everyone’s astonishment, for we had daylight enough before us to have gone on at once to our intended ground. In the evening I was sent for to the “Agamemnon” where Sir Edmond Lyons told me he had persuaded Admiral Dundas to allow the transports to weigh at one o’clock in the morning so as to be at the intended disembarkation point at early daylight, and that I was to go round and distribute the orders. I assured him that if all weighed at once they would infallibly run foul of one another, and persuaded him to allow them to weigh in divisions at one, two and three o’clock respectively. Thereupon Mends the Flag Captain, Cleeve the Secretary, with myself, set to work tearing sheets of note paper in half and writing out the orders for each ship; Sir Edmund signing as fast as we finished them. It took me until eleven o’clock distributing my share of the orders, and at two in the morning of the 14^th a wretched fellow ran on shore close to me and I, of course, had to help him off, and I was afraid of being out of all the disembarking work. The “Tribune” and “Leander” remained with us for protection in case there should have been any field pieces in the neighbourhood, and as a reward I towed the “Leander” to the fleet, “Tribune” towing the transport.

We arrived just when the boats had landed the first time, and having been appointed to command one half of the beach, I landed at once and remained there until nine o’clock at night, when there were no more unloaded boats and when the signal had been made to annul landing. Unfortunately four or five extra zealous officers attempted to land after that, and the swell having set in heavily, the boats were swamped and left on the beach. There was no opposition whatever made by the Russians to our landing. In fact not a soldier was to be seen, and owing to the excellent arrangements made beforehand, in providing small steam tugs and large double boats with platforms over them, the whole of the infantry and about a dozen guns were landed that day; a much greater achievement than those -

[Page 54 – Map – Landing of The Expedition, September 1854]

-who have never seen it can imagine. The next morning the surf was too bad to attempt landing, and we were on the point of returning to Eupatoria, when the swell went down a little and encouraged us to go on. The work went on in the same manner next day, beginning at three in the morning and ending at eight in the evening. By noon of the 18^th everything was landed, and then began what must happen more or less in such extensive undertakings, viz., undoing what had been done. The army found they had not pack horses enough, and we had to re-embark the tents; then, after long discussion, they had fully decided to leave the packs and their contents on board and to carry a blanket, a great coat, a shirt, pair of shoes, towel, and the traditional bit of soap, and no more, and all the troops had been landed with this allowance on their backs, but further experience proved that these things would be more easily carried in their knapsacks, which were therefore sent for, but there was some confusion about them owing to this change of view, and many knapsacks were not recovered until the transports had reached
Balaklava. The inhabitants are most favourably disposed towards us, and we pay rigorously for everything we get.

The armies advanced on the morning of the 19^th, the French being on the right, next to the beach, then the Turks, and then the English; the men-of-war and the commissariat transports following, or rather keeping abreast of the French. Several empty transports were started off for reinforcements to Varna. The bank of the river Alma was the position on which it was intended to encamp, and on approaching it the Russians were discovered in great force and in a strong position ready to dispute the passage. They made a reconnaissance near a small stream called the Bulganak with a large body of cavalry and some guns. A few rounds were fired on each side and then both parties stood fast for the night, the fleets anchoring, with the steamers close in to the mouth of the river.

September 20^th – Daylight showed us both armies as on the previous evening, the Russians in a strong position on the left bank of the Alma, about two and a half or three miles from its mouth out of reach of our guns, and the Allies, two miles from the right bank. A letter from one of the Generals informed us of the plan of attack, which was that the French, fording the mouth of the river, were to endeavour to turn the enemy’s left, the Turks were to advance in front (but I have since found that the Turks were left in reserve), and the English to march well up the river and, crossing it, turn the Russian right. Their march was a long one, I should suppose not much less than ten miles, and the French began, I think, too soon. They marched close along the beach and meeting no opposition scrambled up very prettily in loose order to the top of the range of hills forming the left bank of the river, their artillery getting up unmolested by a broader road. Their object then evidently was to hold that ground until we came up, and although there was a good deal of firing, of which, on account of the brow of the hill, we could only see the smoke, I don’t think they were seriously attacked. I thought I counted fifty-four Russian guns. About two hours after the French had gained their position, the head of our army appeared on the south bank of the river, marching down, as I thought, from inland.

The Russians had, I think, guessed the nature of our plan, and had hitherto confined themselves almost entirely to firing their artillery, keeping their infantry perfectly stationary in six dense close columns, looking like squares of, I should suppose, five thousand men each. Their leading battery was placed in an earthwork,  and in rear of this earthwork were the remaining guns and these masses of infantry. Our leading regiment, or perhaps it was the second or third (for I think one or two had passed in front of the Russians towards the French) turned to its left to storm the earthwork, the guns in which were quickly limbered up and retired, and one of the Russian massed took the place of the guns in the redoubt. The struggle was fearful and lasted, I suppose, ten minutes; our regiments advancing and firing in line. The Russians did not deploy but gave way whilst still in their solid formation and ran off, beginning at the rear of the mass. The streaming away from the rear was a curious sight. It began with a few individuals, but the numbers increased every minute, until the formation became exactly like a rocket, or a comet with a bushy tail. No doubt those in the rear suffered from our fire as much as those in front, but they had not the excitement of firing at us in return, and thus lost heart more quickly. We were then left in possession of the earthwork, when down came a second mass which was repulsed with the same success, but I think this time the French on the right helped in repulsing them; and there was an end of the battle, as far as we could see, for the Russians went off towards Sebastopol as hard as they could. If the

Russian masses had met less valiant men they would have separated the English and French and gained the day. I think that should have been their plan, and if they had turned their whole force against the French at first, instead of doggedly remaining in their original position to carry out their original plan, I believe they would have had every chance of success.

I saw all that I have described to you from the “Niger’s” main-top, where I spent four anxious hours. I suppose few people have ever been so well placed for seeing a battle as we were (except on the French side which was hidden from us by the cliff). 

[page 58 – Map – Battle of Alma. September 20^th 1854]

All the fighting took place within three miles of us, which from such an elevation with our good telescopes, is near enough to see everything except such details as were hidden by the inequalities of the ground. The weather was, however, very hazy and there was much smoke, notonly from the firing but from a village on the right side of the river to which the Russians had set fire, and I daresay my account is not rigidly accurate. The national peculiarities in the fighting line were very strongly marked; the French climbed their cliff in loose skirmishing order, the English attacked in lines, and the Russians fought in regular Macedonian phalanxes. In the rough plan which I send you I don’t attempt to give any idea of numbers, only of positions, and you must remember that the valley in which the Russian army was principally stationed slopes from its head down towards the river’s bank. The borders of the river are lined with trees and bushes, in which a good deal of skirmishing took place. Our army remained for the night in the valley where the Russians had been, pretty well tired I should think, poor fellow! I shall most likely hear more details tomorrow, but want to keep my letter in a forward state, as I suppose despatches will then be sent off.

September 21^st. – I have walked round the field of battle and a horrid sight I have seen, but it has often been described and I shall not repeat the description. On actually going over the ground and making inquiries on the spot I find my description of the English advance must be modified; instead of turning the right flank they took the bull by the horns, Lord Gough fashion, and marched straight up to the batteries; the result of which is a loss of about four hundred killed and one thousand five hundred wounded. Some accounts say that owing to the smoke of a village, which the Russians set on fire, the batteries were not seen until it was too late to hesitate; other say that the river was not fordable higher up. I believe the first version the correct one.

September 22^nd  -The army has not yet advanced because we have not been able to get the wounded on board; we, that is , the seamen of the fleet, have been working hard all yesterday and today carrying them down to the boats in hammocks slung upon oars. The English are now (8pm) all embarked, but there are still many Russians to bring tomorrow. Their loss is variously estimated at from three thousand to five thousand men, but they must, I think, have carried off some of their officers, as the proportion we have found is small. The only unwounded man we have caught is a General; he is a burly, coarse-looking man, speaking no language but his own.

There seems plenty of enthusiasm amongst our people, and they think having licked the whole Sebastopol army in the field they will soon get into their stronghold. I believe a division will be landed at Kaffa to prevent reinforcements coming from Anapa or other fortresses near Kertch. Simferopol will also be occupied, as it commands most of the roads, and I suppose if we don’t do our work before winter sets in the troops will very likely spend their Christmas there (that is, at Simferopol), unless we get materials for building huts. Of this, however, I know nothing, and perhaps if our works are much advanced it would not do to leave them. The weather as yet has been perfect, and had the expedition been under taken in July or August we should, I think, have lost more men from the sun than we did at Alma from the enemy. We never could have got through the disembarkation as we did, had the sun been hotter.

There is still a little cholera hanging about, but the “Niger” remains perfectly healthy. My friends prophesy my promotion for the beach work, but I am not sanguine, for I see but few have gained a step for Bomarsund. The feud between the energetic Sir Edmund Lyons and his Commander-in –chief is getting strongly developed. I think Sir Edmund complains rather too bitterly, but no doubt Admiral Dundas is too old for this sort of work, and does not help Sir Edmund as he ought. While Sir Edmund’s squadron are slaving like horses the big ships are lying almost idle, three miles off. If they were blockading Sebastopol one would not care, but the port is left quite open and we don’t know that they are not sneaking their steamers off to Nicolaev all this time. The army advances tomorrow; we hear the next river is not defended.

[P.S. If you will send me out a couple of sheets of postage stamps I shall be able to prepay.

Letter No. 11.

Finished, Balaklava

September 28^th 1854.

My last described the battle of Alma, a battle in which British soldiers proved that these are not degenerate days, but that the red coats of this generation cover as bold hearts as those which beat in the last. I have a copy of the official list of killed and wounded, which gives a more favourable account than the estimate I sent you in Letter No.10: I send you a copy –

Officers killed                           26

Sergeants killed                         19

Drummer killed                           2

Rand and file killed                306

Total killed                              353

Officers wounded                        73

Sergeants wounded                     95

Drummers wounded                    17

Rand and file wounded          1,427

Total wounded                        1,612

We cannot get at the French account. To carry down one thousand four hundred and twenty-seven wounded, and two hundred or three hundred sick, a distance of two and a half miles is no joke. We landed a large body of men with hammocks slung upon oars, and brought them down in tolerable comfort, and as fast as a vessel was filled she started off to Constantinople.

The army could not of course move whilst all this was going on, and it was the 23^rd before they advanced to their next encampment – the river Katchka, or Kara, as it is named in some of the charts. We have heard from a Russian deserter that they had moored five or six line of battle ships across the harbour’s mouth and intended to sink them as soon as the Allied Fleet weighed their anchors, and sure enough directly we weighed, the “Highflyer,” which was steaming down in that direction, saw one of them retire from active service. On the 24^th the Allies, with three days’ provisions on their backs, commenced a forced march, rounding the head of Sebastopol Harbour, and arrived within four miles of Balaklava before they halted. Whilst en route they came up with the rearguard of a large body of Russians marching from Sebastopol towards Simferopol, where Menchikoff expects twenty thousand men to arrive from the northward. The Scots Greys, who had only landed the day before, captured a quantity of luggage, killed about thirty men and took about forty prisoners; but Lord Raglan would not allow himself to be diverted from his main object, and prevented all pursuit. Amongst the luggage was Menchikoff’s champagne and a boar’s head, prepared, it is supposed, for his dinner, of which our hungry staff officers seem to have partaken with double glee. The next morning two divisions marched on Balaklava whilst Sir E. Lyons and his squadron stood off its mouth. Having but a hundred men in garrison it surrendered in a few minutes, and losing no time, Sir Edmund sent me in to anchor each vessel as she came in, that no space might be lost, and he came in himself in the great “Agamemnon” the next day. Transports, both French and English came tumbling in , and the harbour is now almost as full as it will hold. It is a very small but very snug harbour and its acquisition is of the utmost importance.

Every one is delighted with this march round to the southward of Sebastopol. The army say the position can be held against double its numbers: then it secures our landing stores, provisions, reinforcements, etc., whenever they are wanted; and last, not least, it has stumped the Russians most completely, for all their energies for the last few months have been devoted to strengthening the northern face and they don’t seem to have contemplated an attack from this side. We are now busy landing the siege train as hard as we can. There is, at this season, a good road from here to the position chosen, and I suppose in two days more they will all be advanced up to it, and in another week the gabions, etc., of which there is a large store on board the transports, will be all up there too and the grand work ready for beginning.

The weather is still fine, but it is time the troops had their tents to sleep under, for they have now been in open air from the day they landed, and they have had a good deal of hardship to go through and cholera sis still at work amongst them. Marshall St. Arnaud is dangerously ill, and has given up command to Canrobert, who is said to be a better man. I have picked up a sick officer here who turns out to be a neighbour of the John Arbuthnots – Major Blane by name. we had an alarm this afternoon, the 28^th September, that the Russians were marching in force to attack us, but it turns out to be nothing. We should be a fine prize for them; there area at least thirty vessels in here and so closely packed as to make it difficult to get them out. I intend to set up for harbour master somewhere after this. Of the party of “Nigers” who landed to carry down the wounded two have died of cholera, a third recovered, and I hope it is now all gone.

Letter No. 12.

Finished at Balaklava

October 3^rd, 1854.

My letter book tells me I have sent no journal since No.11 from the Alma, but I think that must be a mistake; nevertheless I number this letter 12, but shall give you a general idea of what has been done since the Alma, for fear the letter book should speak truth. Carrying wounded down from the field of battle was hard work for the seamen and marines, and occupied nearly three days, after which the army advanced and crossed the Katchka, or Kara, as it is in your maps. They were then three miles or less from Fort Constantine, or more correctly the Star Fort – Fort Constantine being the proper name of the one at the mouth of the harbour. A forced march was then taken round the head of Sebastopol harbour to a position four miles from Balaklava, into which place a division marched the next day; the “Agamemnon,” “Sanspareil,” “Highflyer,” “Diamond,” and “Niger,” coming off the harbour’s mouth at the same time. Sir Edmund sent me in immediately with directions to anchor well up the harbour in order to leave room for the “Agamemnon,” and added, “I shall send a few small ships in; make them anchor out of the way.” However, I had no sooner got in than I found them tumbling in as fast as possible; fortunately I had begun from the beginning to pack them much as you may see them off London Bridge, only with their bows across the river and their sterns secured to the shore, and was able to squeeze in all that came. The “Agamemnon” came in the next day, and we have all been working hard ever since, clearing transports of every sort but more especially those laden with the siege guns.

I am writing on the 2^nd October. We have now landed all the guns except two, and the artillery have taken them all up to the camp, which is now close round the south side of Sebastopol. Carts, waggons, camels, and everything available, are now in constant requisition for the conveyance of shot, shell, and powder. Those French are funny fellow! It so happened that the only guns taken at the Alma were taken by our soldiers, who stormed the earthwork battery; the next day six artillery horses and a limber under charge of a French corporal came down, and he was about to walk off with one of the, but was fortunately stopped by some English officers. The man said he had been sent to measure the gun! – a process which certainly would have been more easily gone through with compasses and tape than with six horses and a limber. There were a few small mortars at Balaklava, a shell from one of which burst very near Lord Raglan (for the garrison here made a show of resistance) at the taking of the place. There was not at the capture a Frenchman within four miles, but the next day some of them discovered the mortars and had actually got them down form their position to the road before they were stopped, and would in a very short time have embarked them as trophies with St. Arnaud’s luggage. Canrobert, St. Arnaud’s successor is much more highly spoken of than the latter was, and although I have not heard of any serious disagreement between the two former chiefs, the two present ones are likely to agree still better. I am afraid Sir Edmund Lyons and Admiral Dundas don’t’ get on very well together; the latter is rather old for his position and does not understand the extraordinary energy and impetuous nature of the former.

October 3^rd.  – Yesterday a naval brigade of one thousand men with fifty ships’ guns came in to serve in the front; besides these men we have landed a thousand marines and encamped them on the heights around Balaklava for our own protection, for some of the Sebastopol troops are gone to Bachtchiserai and are there awaiting reinforcements from the north. A direct route runs from Bachtchiserai to Balaklava, and it would be worth a good deal to the Russians to take this place, even for one hour. The harbour contains, amongst other valuable siege material, five hundred tons of gunpowder; so that one shell might make fine havoc. An expedition is just starting for Yalta, a place forty miles or so east of this, where there are large wine stores. We are to take the wine vi et armis for the use of the French troops, and I think the object of English ships forming part of the expedition must be to see that the French really do pay for what they take.

We do not expect to begin the trenches until the 6^th, as Lord Raglan does not wish to open his fire until he can bring it to bear in heavy force. I am afraid it will take eight or ten days to get the ships’ guns up, and he would hardly wait so long as that. the French were at first a little jealous of our putting so many ships into this harbour, though they had no reason to be so, for every ship of their that came to the harbour’s mouth was brought in. the result, however, is that they have taken their transports to some very good little harbours between Cheronese and Sebastopol, and on account of this arrangement the positions of the two armies have been changed – the English being now on the right and the French on the left, each of us with our respective ports.

We get but little information from outside, and don’t now in the least what force is collecting at Bachtchiserai. And I believe we don’t much care; Sebastopol is our object, that once in our hands I suppose we shall attend to our friends in its neighbourhood. The weather is still beautiful and we have had no more cholera. The health of the troops is very fair and improving daily. They have at last got a portion of tents given them – I wish they had them all, for it is very cold at night.

Letter No.13.

Finished, Balaklava,

October 8^th, 1854

On the afternoon of the 3^rd October I got upon Major Blane’s horse and rode to the camp to look at Sebastopol. I was perfectly astonished at the extent of the works which the Russians have thrown up in the last week. The only thing worthy of the name of a fortification on this side of the harbour, before the arrival of our army, was a stone Martello tower on our extreme right – that is to say, at the upper end of Sebastopol harbour, and there was , besides this, a miserable looking loopholed wall enclosing the sea face of the town. Since our appearance they are said to have had two thousand men continuously at work, and they have enclosed the ground between the two permanent works of which I have spoken with an earthwork fortification, having regular curtains and bastions and in some places (but I cannot positively say as to all ) ditches. The guns are not yet all mounted in these works, but some half a dozen or so are, and they play continuously upon our lines. They must be of very heavy calibre, for the Engineers measured with sextants the distance at which one of the shot struck from its gun, and found it to be four thousand yards. Our troops are spread along the whole south side of Sebastopol within about a mile and a half, or less, of the town. The enemy’s shell appear to be nearly harmless, for no aim can be taken with such high elevations. I have only heard to two men being killed as yet, but I should have thought we would have been as well a little further off.

The thing that strikes all of us most is that we should allow the Russians to build these works and mount their guns without the slightest attempt to check or annoy them. It seems so clear that a man who is unmolested can heap up many more shovels full of feather in a day than a man who is looking round every five minutes to know where the shell burst, and whether it touched any of his friends or came near himself, that I should have thought we ought to have established a few stray guns in batteries at once, without waiting for the whole force to be ready for simultaneous opening. It is said that Lord Raglan and Sir J. Burgoyne do not intend to fire until they can bring an overwhelming force of guns to bear, and that the latter says it will then take but twenty-four hours to destroy all he sees.

October 6^th. – I believe I mentioned before the arrival of a thousand men from the fleet with fifty 32-Pr guns; these are now reinforced by the “Beagle’s” two long Lancaster guns of 95 cwt., also by two equally heavy guns from the “Terrible” on the common principle. Great efforts are being made to get these up. Hore, who commands the “Beagle,” goes up with the brigade, being attached to Lord Raglan’s staff in some temporary manner, and so I hope he will come in for promotion when the grand event takes place. The shell for these Lancaster guns are at present all made by hand, the ordinary shells cost £20 a piece and some extraordinary ones cost, I am told £100 each.

October 7^th. – The Russians seem to be wondering what we are about, for yesterday they made a strong reconnaissance towards our lines and this morning a large body of infantry and cavalry came down in the direction of this harbour. Our horse artillery sent them off in double quick time. Sir Edmund Lyons has been doing all he can j(without success hitherto) to get a few batteries run up here, which would make the place very strong. This morning’s reconnaissance has done more than all his talking, and the Engineers are now actually at work at them. Carrying guns with all their shot, shell, and ammunition, is heavier work than people seem to have anticipated. The day now named for beginning the trenches is the 10^th. The joint expedition of French and English steamers to Yalta, with the view of getting wine for the French army, has just returned; they found none, and so we shall get the discredit of being pirates without the solid advantages of the trade. I believe we joined the expedition in order to make sure of the French paying for what they took; they only intended to pay in bons de tresor, and when they heard we had 10,000 in gold they said it was un grand malheur. It seems generally understood that the new French Commander-in-Chief is a much better General than his predecessor. I am glad to say, that the line of battle ships will be brought in to help at the grand cannonade. It would be a shameful thing if they were merely to look on when there was a possibility of making the slightest diversion in favour of the heroes of Alma, who will, I suspect, have hot work of it. Sir Edmund Lyons will leave this harbour soon, and I hope to accompany him. There will be a little tustling as to who is to remain, but I think it will be Tatham, and that we, Sir Edmund’s special squadron, will go out with him. It is but fair that having had all the work we should also have the fighting, from which the rewards of promotion will accrue. I am, when I have time to think of such things, inclined to speculate on being promoted for the disembarkation, which would leave C.B. open tome for the capture. Nothing like a few castles in the air! I have good accounts of Mary up to the 25^th. An artillery officer has just been breakfasting with me who had a son born to him during the battle of Alma..  – No more cholera on board.

Letter No.14.

Finished, Balaklava,

October 13^th, 1854

October 9^th. – I will try to keep my journal going with a little more regularity than I have hitherto done. It was blowing so hard today that no ships could come in or go out in safety, so that my special services would not be required, and I took a holiday and walked out to the lines with Moore and a Captain Twopenny, who was some months ago reporter to The Times. He has since been living on board various men-of-war, as a private friend of the respective Captains, and is at present on board the “Highflyer.” We walked out to the extreme right, and found a battery built for the reception of three of our heavy naval guns, placed so as to be three thousand yards from two line of battle ships and one steamer, the guns from which impede our approaches. I should not have guessed the distance to be quite so much, but I suppose it has been measured with sextants. I see that, from experiments made from the “Excellent” at an old line of battle ship, the number of shot which may be expected to hit at that distance is only eleven or twelve per cent, and so I am afraid the battery, which will probably open tomorrow morning, will not sink the ships as soon as is expected. This battery appears not as yet to have been discovered by the Russians, and our sentries made us sneak up to it, stooping down so as not to be seen and not to draw a fire upon it. We had a good look at the ships and harbour from behind it, and then sneaked to a pile of stones on the left, whence I saw a body of Russian skirmishers lying down within a thousand yards of us, but their attention was evidently turned on something to our left. We then went back to the guard, which was a little in the rear supporting the working party in the battery and found that these Russian skirmishers had been seen by their outlying sentries and in addition a column of infantry, and that a message had been sent in to the camp, and the troops were all placed under arms in front of their respective encampments. Presently the Colonel of the guard came up and then Sir Colin Campbell, and then an aide-de-camp from Sir G. Browne, to know what was going on. By this time we could see that large bodies of French and Russians were out on the left, and in Sir Colin’s opinion the Russians were making a reconnaissance. I suppose some of our troops must have been seen by the Russians, for a fire of shot and shell just then commenced in our direction, and at the same time a good deal of firing took place on the French, but no musketry was interchanged, and I believe nothing more occurred. We were obliged to come away to save our daylight in. the Russians must have fired by this time upwards of five hundred shot or shell, and the result has been two men killed!

October 11^th. – Moore explained to us at dinner yesterday why so few are killed. His explanation is that a man may be considered as exposing a surface of eight square feet, and that when standing at a distance even of six feet from a shell about to burst into (we will say ten pieces) the chances of being struck are as eight to one-tenth of the surface of a sphere (in square feet) of six feet radius, which comes to about seven to one in favour of escaping – a most consolatory piece of mathematics.

We began in earnest upon our entrenchments yesterday, two thousand men were at work all night, and I understand great progress has been made. The French position is better than ours, there battery will be within nine hundred yards of the Russians, ours one thousand two hundred. We are obliged to put our guns on the crests of hills, as there is no intention of making the zig-zag approaches which are made against a regular fortress; this difference of distance therefore only means that the nearest hill at our end happens to be one thousand two hundred yards from the enemy, whilst that at the French end is nine hundred. It is a very suitable arrangement for us, as our guns are considerably heavier than theirs. We have various reports relative to the danger of Balaklava; one that the Greeks intend to set fire to the town and burn all our stores. This has been met by ordering all the male inhabitants to quit, which may sound harsh to your ears, but you must remember the great interests which are at stake, and that we are bound to take every possible precaution. Another report is that the Russians intend to attack us here by way of a diversion from Sabastopol; that will be met by some very pretty little batteries we are throwing up and by three thousand Turks and one thousand marines.

October 13^th. – I paid another visit to the camp yesterday; the distance is a good seven miles, and the road itself is very interesting. It is covered with conveyances of all sorts – Crimean bullock or camel waggons, Turkish bullock waggons brought from Varna, Maltese mule carts from Malta, all with provisions, etc., and artillery waggons with shot, shell, or fascines and gabions; then comes an occasional aide-de-camp at a gallop, or an infantry officer, dusty and weary-looking, returning from Balaklava laden with whatever he has been able to buy – so e preserved meats or a bottle of candles! He looks quite triumphant as he passes you with his prize. You can have no idea of the appearance of a campaigning soldier if you have only seen them in St. James’s Park or in a garrison ball-room. They live in their full dress coats, and the consequence is the scarlet has turned to port wine colour; the coat is generally full of holes, and the individual wears no shirt. The change of life to them must be very great, and some of them feel it a good deal. It is supposed now that we shall open fire with about one hundred guns on the 15^th. Time flies, and I should like to see a beginning.

The weather is still fine but we had two very cold days a week ago. We are all well and have no more cholera. You should send us reinforcements, if you have any. Our position is very strong, but no doubt we shall soon be considerably outnumbered.